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CHANCELLOR  OLAF SCHOLZ. Madam President,
Distinguished colleagues, Fellow citizens,

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The twenty-fourth of February 2022 marks
a watershed in the history of our continent.

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With the attack on Ukraine, the Russian President
Putin has started a war of aggression in cold blood.

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For one reason alone:

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the freedom of the Ukrainian people calls
his own oppressive regime into question.

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That is inhumane.

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It is a violation of international law.

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There is nothing and
nobody that can justify it.

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The terrible images from Kyiv,
Kharkiv, Odesa and Mariupol

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 show Putin’s utter lack of scruples.

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The appalling injustice,
the pain of the Ukrainian people –

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they affect us all very deeply.

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I know exactly what issues
many people across the country

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have been discussing at their
dinner tables in recent days.

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What concerns are
weighing on them –

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in light of the terrible news
from the war zones.

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Many of us still remember our
parents’ or grandparents’ tales of war.

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And for younger people it is
almost inconceivable –

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war in Europe.

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Many of them are giving voice
to their horror – across the country,

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including just outside
in front of the Reichstag.

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We are living through a
watershed era.

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And that means that the world afterwards
will no longer be the same as the world before.

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The issue at the heart of this is whether
power is allowed to prevail over the law.

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Whether we permit Putin to turn
back the clock to the nineteenth century

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and the age of
the great powers.

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Or whether we have it in us to keep
warmongers like Putin in check.

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That requires
strength of our own.

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Yes, we fully intend to secure our freedom,
our democracy and our prosperity.

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And I am very grateful to you,
Madam President,

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for allowing me to use today’s
special session to share with you

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what the Federal Government
has in mind.

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I also thank the heads of all democratic
parliamentary groups in this House

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 for supporting this session.

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Ladies and gentlemen,

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With the attack on Ukraine, Putin is not just seeking
to wipe an independent country off the map.

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He is demolishing the
European security order

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that had prevailed for almost half a century
since the Helsinki Final Act.

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He is also isolating himself from
the entire international community.

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Our embassies around the world
have worked with France in recent days

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to advocate for the United Nations Security Council
to call this Russian aggression what it is:

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a flagrant breach of international law.

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And they have done so
quite successfully,

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considering the result of the
Security Council session in New York.

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The consultations showed that we are by
no means alone in our commitment to peace.

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We will continue to uphold it,
with all of our might.

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I am very grateful to Foreign Minister Baerbock
for what she has achieved in this regard.

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It was only by resorting to
the use of its veto that Moscow –

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– which is, after all, a permanent
member of the Security Council –

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was able to prevent itself
from being censured.

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What a disgrace!

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President Putin always
talks about indivisible security.

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But what he really seeks now
is to divide the continent

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into the familiar old spheres
of influence through armed force.

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This has consequences
for security in Europe.

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Yes, in the long term security in Europe
cannot be achieved in opposition to Russia.

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But for the foreseeable future,
Putin is jeopardising this security.

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That is why I say very clearly

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 that we accept the challenge
that now faces us –

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with clear-headed resolve.

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There are five courses of
action that we must take:

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Firstly, we must support Ukraine
in this desperate situation.

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We have already provided significant support
in recent weeks, months and years.

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But with the attack on Ukraine,
we have entered a new era.

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In Kyiv, Kharkiv, Odesa and Mariupol,
people are not just defending their homeland.

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They are fighting for freedom and
their democracy.

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For values that we
share with them.

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As democrats,
as Europeans,

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we stand by their side –
on the right side of history!

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With his attack on Ukraine on Thursday,
President Putin has created a new reality.

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This new reality requires an
unequivocal response.

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We have given one.

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As you know,
we decided yesterday

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that Germany will supply Ukraine with weapons
for the country’s defence.

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No other response to Putin’s aggression
was possible.

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Ladies and gentlemen,

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The second course of action that we must
take is to divert Putin from the path of war.

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This war is a catastrophe
for Ukraine.

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However, it will prove to be a
catastrophe for Russia, too.

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Together with the Heads of
State and Government of the EU,

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we have passed a package of sanctions
on an unprecedented scale.

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We are cutting Russian banks and
state businesses off from financing.

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We are preventing the export of
cutting-edge technology to Russia.

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And we are targeting the oligarchs
and their investments in the EU.

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In addition to this, there are the punitive
measures against Putin and individuals close to him

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as well as restrictions on the
granting of visas to Russian officials.

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And we are excluding major Russian banks
from the banking communication network Swift.

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We reached an agreement
on this yesterday

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with the Heads of State and
Government of the democracies

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with the strongest
economies and of the EU.

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We must not be under
any illusions –

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Putin will not change
course overnight.

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But the Russian leadership will very
soon see what a high price it will pay.

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In the last week alone, Russian stocks
lost over thirty percent of their value.

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This shows that our
sanctions are working.

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And we have not ruled out further
sanctions – nothing is off the table.

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Our guiding principle
remains the question

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of what will have the greatest
impact on those responsible.

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The individuals this is about.

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And not the Russian people.

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Because Putin, not the Russian people,
has decided to start this war.

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And so it must be
clearly stated

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– that this war is Putin’s war!

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It is important to me
to specify this.

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Because reconciliation between Germans and Russians
after the Second World War is – and remains –

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an important chapter
of our shared history.

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And I know how difficult it is for
the many people in our country

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who were born in Ukraine or Russia
to bear the current situation.

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We will not, therefore, allow this conflict
between Putin and the free world

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to lead to the reopening of old wounds
and to new outbreaks of hostility.

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And there is something else that we
should not forget –

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in many Russian cities in recent days, ordinary
people have protested against Putin’s war,

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have run the risk of being arrested
and punished.

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That requires great courage
and true bravery!

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Today, Germany stands
with the Ukrainian people.

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Our thoughts and our sympathy go out today
to the victims of the Russian war of aggression.

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And, equally,
we stand with all those in Russia

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who are boldly defying Putin’s regime and
opposing his war against Ukraine.

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We know that there are
many of them.

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My message to them all is:
Don’t give up!

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I am quite sure that freedom, tolerance
and human rights will prevail in Russia, too.

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Ladies and gentlemen,

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The third major challenge lies in
preventing Putin’s war

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from spilling over into
other countries in Europe.

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That means that we will stand unconditionally
by our collective defence obligation within NATO.

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I have said the same to our allies in Central and
Eastern Europe who are worried about their security.

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President Putin should not
underestimate our resolve

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to defend every square metre of
NATO territory together with our allies!

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We are absolutely serious about this.

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When we welcome a country into NATO, we commit
to defending that country as a partner and ally.

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 Just as we would defend
ourselves!

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The Bundeswehr has already
bolstered its support for our eastern allies –

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and will continue to do so.

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I thank the Federal Defence Minister
for this important gesture!

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We have deployed additional troops in Lithuania,
where we lead the NATO battlegroup.

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We have extended and enhanced our
participation in air policing in Romania.

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We want to contribute to the establishment
of a new NATO unit in Slovakia.

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Our navy is helping to secure
the North Sea and the Baltic

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as well as the Mediterranean
with additional vessels.

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And we are also prepared to contribute to the
defence of our allies’ air space in Eastern Europe

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using anti-aircraft missiles.

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Our soldiers have often had only a brief time
to prepare for these deployments in recent days.

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My message to them, and I am
sure you agree, is: Thank you!

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Thank you for your valuable service –
in particular at this time!

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Ladies and gentlemen,

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In view of the watershed that Putin’s
aggression entails, our standard is this:

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what is needed to secure
peace in Europe will be done.

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Germany will contribute its share
to these efforts in a spirit of solidarity.

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But stating that loud and clear today
is not enough.

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To make it possible, the Bundeswehr needs new,
strong capabilities.

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And that is the fourth point
that I want to address...

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And that is the fourth point that I want
to address, ladies and gentlemen.

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Anyone who reads Putin’s
historicising essays,

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who has watched his televised
declaration of war on Ukraine,

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or who has recently – as I have done –
held hours of direct talks with him,

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can no longer have any doubt that Putin
wants to build a Russian empire.

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He wants to fundamentally redefine the status quo
within Europe in line with his own vision.

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And he has no qualms about
using military force to do so.

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We can see that today
in Ukraine.

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We must therefore ask ourselves:
What capabilities does Putin’s Russia possess?

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And what capabilities do we need
in order to counter this threat –

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today and in the future?

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It is clear that we must invest much more
in the security of our country.

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In order to protect our freedom
and our democracy.

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This is a major
national undertaking.

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The goal is a powerful, cutting-edge, progressive
Bundeswehr that can be relied upon to protect us.

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At the Munich Security Conference
a week ago I said

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that we need aeroplanes that fly,
ships that can set out to sea

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and soldiers who are optimally equipped
for their missions.

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That is what is important.

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And it is quite certainly something that a country
of our size and our significance within Europe

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should be able to achieve.

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But we should be under
no illusions.

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Better equipment, modern technology,
more personnel – all of this costs a lot of money.

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We will therefore set up a special fund
for the Bundeswehr.

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And I am deeply grateful to
Federal Finance Minister Lindner

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for his support on this!

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The 2022 federal budget will provide a
one-off sum of 100 billion euro for the fund.

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We will use this money for necessary investments
and armament projects.

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We will now
– year after year –

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invest more than two percent of our
gross domestic product in our defence.

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Ladies and gentlemen,

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And I now appeal to all parliamentary groups
within the German Bundestag:

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We must secure this special fund
in our Basic Law!

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There is one thing that I
would like to add.

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We have set this goal not only because we
have made a promise to our friends and allies

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to increase our defence expenditure to
two percent of our economic output by 2024.

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We are also doing this for us,
for our own security.

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In the awareness that the Bundeswehr alone does
not have the means to contain all future threats.

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We therefore need strong
development cooperation.

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We will therefore strengthen our resilience
– in terms of technology and as a society –

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for example against cyberattacks and
disinformation campaigns,

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against attacks on our critical infrastructure and
channels of communication.

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And we will keep pace
with new technology.

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This is why it is so
important to me, for example,

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that we build the next generation of
combat aircraft and tanks here in Europe

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together with European partners,
and particularly France.

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These projects are our
utmost priority.

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Until the aircraft are operational, we will
continue to develop the Eurofighter together.

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Another encouraging development is that the contracts
for the Eurodrone were finally signed this week.

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We are also pushing ahead on the purchase of
the armed Heron drone from Israel.

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And with regard to
nuclear sharing,

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we will procure a modern replacement for the
outdated Tornado jets in good time.

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The Eurofighter is set to be equipped with
electronic warfare capabilities.

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The F-35 fighter jet has the potential
to be used as a carrier aircraft.

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And finally,
ladies and gentlemen,

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we will do more to guarantee a
secure energy supply for our country.

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The Federal Government has already initiated
one important measure to address this.

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And we will change course in order to eliminate
our dependence on imports

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from individual
energy suppliers.

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After all, the events of recent days and weeks
have shown us that responsible,

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forward-looking energy policy is not just crucial
for our economy and our climate.

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It is also crucial
for our security.

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This means that the faster we make progress with
the development of renewable energies, the better.

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And we are on the right track.

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We are an industrialised country aiming
to become carbon-neutral by 2045!

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With this goal on the horizon,
we will have to take major decisions.

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For example, on building up
a reserve of coal and gas.

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We have decided to increase the amount of
natural gas in storage via long-term options

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to two billion cubic metres.

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Furthermore, we will acquire additional
natural gas on the world markets –

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in consultation
with the EU.

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And finally,

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we have made the decision to rapidly build two
LNG terminals in Brunsbüttel and Wilhelmshaven.

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I would like to expressly thank Federal Economics
Minister Habeck for his efforts to facilitate this!

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Our current short-term needs can dovetail with
what is already needed long-term

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for the transformation
to succeed.

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An LNG terminal that today receives gas can
tomorrow be used to import green hydrogen.

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And amidst all this, we will of course
not lose sight of the high energy prices.

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They have now been driven up
yet further by Putin’s war.

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This week we have therefore agreed
on a relief package,

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which includes lifting the surcharge under the
Renewable Energy Sources Act by the end of this year,

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as well as an increase in the
commuter tax allowance,

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a heating subsidy for low earners,
subsidies for families and tax relief measures.

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The Federal Government will act swiftly
to set these in motion.

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Our message is clear.

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We will not leave individuals and businesses
to face this situation alone.

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Ladies and gentlemen,

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This watershed does not just affect
our country.

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 It affects all of Europe.

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And this, too, is both a challenge
and an opportunity.

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The challenge consists in strengthening the
sovereignty  of the European Union

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sustainably and permanently.

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The opportunity lies in preserving the united
front that we have demonstrated in recent days

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in agreeing the
sanctions package.

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For Germany and for all of the
EU’s other member states,

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that means not simply asking what they can extract
in Brussels for their own country.

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But asking:
What is the best decision for our Union?

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Europe is our framework
for action.

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Only when we understand that will we prevail
over the challenges of our time.

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And that brings me to my
fifth and final point.

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Putin’s war marks a turning point –
and that goes for our foreign policy, too.

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As much diplomacy as possible,
without being naive –

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that is what we will continue
to strive for.

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But not being naive also means not talking
simply for the sake of talking.

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True dialogue requires a willingness to engage –
on both sides.

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That is lacking on Putin’s side, quite clearly –
and not just in recent days and weeks.

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What does this mean
for the future?

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We will not refuse talks
with Russia.

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Even in this
extreme situation,

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it is the job of diplomacy to keep
channels of communication open.

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Anything else, I believe,
would be irresponsible.

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Ladies and gentlemen,

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We know what we stand for –
not least given our own history.

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We stand for peace in Europe.

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We will never accept the use of force
as a political instrument.

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We will always advocate the
peaceful resolution of conflicts.

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And we will not rest
until peace in Europe is secured.

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And we are not alone in this –

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we are joined by our friends and partners
in Europe and worldwide.

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Our greatest strength is
our alliances!

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It is to them that we owe the great fortune
our country has enjoyed for over thirty years:

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Living in a unified country, in prosperity and
at peace with our neighbours.

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If we want the last thirty years to be more
than a historical exception,

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then we must do everything we can to maintain
the cohesion of the European Union,

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the strength of NATO,
to forge even closer relations

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with our friends, our partners and all those
who share our convictions worldwide.

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I am utterly confident that
we can succeed in this.

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Because rarely have we and our partners been
so resolved and so united.

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What unites us at this time is that we know
the strength of free democracies.

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We know that when something finds a broad
consensus among politicians and the public,

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 it will endure –
even in this watershed moment and beyond.

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And so I thank you and all
parliamentary groups in this House

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who have unequivocally condemned the
Russian invasion of Ukraine for what it is:

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an absolutely unjustifiable attack
on an independent country,

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on the peaceful order
in Europe and the world.

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Today’s motion for a resolution
expresses that very clearly.

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I thank everyone who has taken a stance against
Putin’s war –

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and who has gathered here in Berlin and elsewhere
for peaceful demonstrations.

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 And I thank everyone

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who stands with us at this time for a
free and open, fair and peaceful Europe.

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We will defend it.

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Thank you very much!