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Speech by Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel given at the international symposium
“Towards Low-Carbon Prosperity: National Strategies and International Partnerships”
convened by the German Advisory Council on Global Change
Professor Schellnhuber,
Lord Stern,
Mr Molina,
State Secretary Schütte,
Fellow Members of the German Bundestag,
And above all you, ladies and gentlemen, who are the guests here today,
The title of this symposium – and this is 20 years after Rio – is Towards Low-Carbon Prosperity. It’s a topic that is regrettably still not obsolete. We could even say that it’s more up to date that ever. Granted, there has been some movement over the last 20 years on all those issues relating to exploitation of resources and climate change – movement towards solving those problems. However, things have been moving too slowly compared to the speed of the changes we find ourselves faced with. Global CO2 emissions have continued to rise. We therefore need to keep pushing to make sure that our goal of limiting the temperature increase to two degrees is not forgotten.
As Lord Stern has demonstrated, doing nothing has a high price. We have to be constantly reminding ourselves that things will not get any better if we avoid taking action. It may seem like the path of least resistance, but it will prove to be just the opposite in the long term. Finding a sensible way to deal with our finite resources as well as climate change has become a completely global issue. The last twenty years have made it clear that the issue is no longer something for the industrialized countries to address alone. Even if they did go it alone and take all the right action, we would still have a climate change problem; global warming would still continue. Nowadays, the responsibility lies with other countries too. That said, what we agreed in the Framework Convention on Climate Change still holds true: we have common but differentiated responsibilities. The industrialized countries have a prominent role to play wherever they can, in particular when it comes to developing and testing technology as well as taking the lead in new policies.
When I talk about these issues, I always pair climate change with efficient resource management or the problem of finite resources. That’s my way of avoiding the discussion that the sceptics always raise, about whether or not climate change is really going to be as severe as people say. Even those who don’t believe in climate change are forced to acknowledge that there is a problem when faced with the fact that the world population in heading towards the 9-billion mark. Don’t misunderstand me. Personally, I believe that something is happening to our climate. But just to avoid wasting time talking about whether or not that is the case, I will say this: those people who don’t want to believe it, who are always spreading doubts and concentrating on the things we can’t know for sure – they should simply recall that 9-billion mark and take a look at the speed at which we are using up our mineral resources. They will then reach the same conclusion as someone who does acknowledge climate change, i.e. that we are better off if we can dissolve our dependence on conventionally generated energy. The two crucial elements of the answer must therefore be changing our energy supplies, by switching to renewables, and dealing more efficiently with energy and the resources we have.
Looking at the way commodities prices develop, fluctuations notwithstanding, the trend is clear. In the vast majority of cases, scarcity results in price rises and competition for stockpiles. Even though some are now experiencing a degree of relief thanks to shale gas, that relief cannot be so extensive and lasting as to allow us to forget everything we have said about energy efficiency and renewable energy. The German Advisory Council on Global Change has brought these issues to the fore time and again since it was established twenty years ago. Let me take this opportunity to thank all the people who have been dedicating their energies to that work over the last two decades.
I think we can all agree that we need a follow-up agreement to the Kyoto Protocol – a new climate change agreement. From time to time we have reason to be hopeful, and sometimes – I’m just going to say it – things do get frustrating. But then, just when you’re thinking that there is no hope at all, we do see a bit of progress. The impression is that progress is always too slow, but it’s progress nonetheless. It was meaningful, for example, that we agreed in Durban to keep going, to keep working towards a climate change agreement.
It is also important that we not take our eye off the goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Germany is very keen to forge ahead here and reduce its emissions by 40% of 1990 levels by 2020, and 80% by 2050. We are pressing for ambitious policies at the European level too. We have some scope for action right now. That is obvious in the prices of certificates, which don’t give the impression that scarcity has reached desperate levels. There will therefore be more said on the matter. Among other things, the funding for all the essential measures we are planning is very closely connected to revenue from the trade in certificates.
It needs to be acknowledged that the EU did reduce its annual greenhouse gas emissions by more than 15% between 1990 and 2010. Germany contributed not a little to that success. We shouldn’t harp on about it, but we also shouldn’t be under any illusions either – Germany was responsible for a very large proportion of that reduction. However, it isn’t likely that we will be able to play quite such a prominent part in future reductions, as Germany’s reunification is not something we can repeat. We are now on the same playing field as everyone else.
That hasn’t stopped us enacting lots of legislation to become one of the most energy-efficient and environmentally friendly economies in the world, especially when it comes to industrial production. We are still lagging far behind that level in the sphere of private consumption, such as in the heating market. There is still a lot that we can do there.
We have decided to raise the proportion of renewables in our overall energy consumption to 60% by 2050. For electricity consumption, that figure is to be 80%. That means we need to be establishing the right conditions now. My Government adapted our energy policy once again in view of what happened in Fukushima last year. That led to a consensus across German society on phasing out certain forms of energy, like nuclear power. The same level of consensus has not yet been reached with regard to the changes and infrastructure that will be necessary to make that a reality. We still have a long way to go yet, as it is clear that switching to the era of renewable energy implies a massive qualitative adjustment for energy supplies and the economy concerned.
Our legislation incentivizing renewables development has to be integrated with the decreasing but still essential use of classic usually fossil fuels that provide base-load power. That will be the key task of the next few years. We are going to need some radical new thinking to make sure that fossil-fuel energy production – which has always been profitable – remains economical without at the same time giving up on incentives to boost the renewables sector. This is going to involve capacity markets. We just need to watch that we don’t end up only producing subsidized energy but keep things cost effective too.
When we speak about sustainability, one thing has always been clear to us, namely the three-part principle of being environmentally friendly, socially just and cost effective. We are going to have to think about that in quite a radically new way now. For example, if the renewable energy has priority flowing into the grid, as it does in Germany, that doesn’t automatically chime with the running of a newly built coal-power plant and its base-load hours.
To make it work, two things are essential. The first is that we adapt the grids, as they are going to have very different tasks to rise to than they did before. There is a lot of work being done in that regard, particularly in terms of the requisite technology. The second aspect of the transition is that we need to find ways of storing power. The search for electricity storage is one of the major challenges of times and calls for innovative solutions. That is why so much research is being undertaken in that field.
Research is the key if our switch to renewables is to succeed. The German Government, thanks to the Research Minister’s High-Tech Strategy, has found a way of speaking honestly about what research areas we are world leaders in and what areas still need work. Energy is a particularly significant field of research. However, we are nonetheless aware that other countries have high ambitions in that area too. In other words, if we want to remain innovative, we are going to have to really work at it.
This isn’t just about a storage facility here or a section of the grid there, nor even about the technology we will need; it is also about the whole of society working together. I’m talking, for example, about the carbon-free city, smart grids and completely altered consumer behaviour. Consumers have to think for themselves about the factors that make something attractive or otherwise. That will mean a change in behaviour across society, the argument for which is still to be won. We can think ourselves lucky to have discovered the blessings of IT, the internet and all the possibilities of data sharing at just the right time. If it weren’t for them, it would be impossible to manage all the interconnected logistics necessary to switch to a completely different sort of economy. As we can see, humanity always comes up with some¬thing useful to help us manage the changes we undertake.
The people of Germany are not always as willing to change as we might wish. But we have to see that the only way we will maintain our prosperity in the coming decades is by staying innovative. As our average age rises and our horizons tend to shrink as we age, our society is very much at risk of resting too complacently on its laurels. We need to be doing all we can to use life-long learning to encourage people to look beyond their horizons and maintain our ability to innovate, which our progress is grounded in. There are emerging economic powers doing exactly that extremely well.
Our efforts involve many small elements, such as pilot projects for carbon-free cities, smart grids and for an extremely energy-efficient house. A few months ago, I joined Urban Development Minister Peter Ramsauer to open the Efficiency House Plus; a four-person family has moved in and will report on what it’s like to live in. As you can tell, our capabilities are growing in many areas. Over the coming years, we need to connect them up.
It goes without saying that international agreements and cooperation are tremendously helpful. Here, too, there has been a whole series of successes, and I’m not just talking about the timetable developed at Durban, nor just about the new cooperative constellations in world politics.
A country like China knows it can no longer play the same role in energy supply and climate change policy as it did 20 years ago, and that basically has two reasons. Firstly, its own energy needs and use of natural resources are higher than ever before. Secondly though, it is just not as easy nowadays to form the partnerships with developing countries that one may wish to.
We all remember when the G77 plus China was an immutable formation, back when we negotiated the Kyoto Protocol. Things aren’t that simple anymore. Suddenly the G77 are aligning themselves more with Europe, while China, we could almost say, is having to work on keeping its old partners. The balance of power does shift and change, and it brings new alliances when it does so. Durban could not have been successful without close collaboration between developing countries and states within Europe.
Let me say very clearly that my vision of Germany and Europe taking a leading role also has an ethical dimension. Of course, taking that role is partly about safeguarding our own standard of living. But it is also our moral duty to conduct test phases, to learn how best to deal with the complex of new energy supplies, resource efficiency and efficient technology, and to subsidize progress. After all, while other countries did not yet have the wherewithal to pursue the same prosperity as we enjoyed, we spent many years and decades overexploiting the world’s resources. With that in mind, we have a duty to redress the balance somewhat. I feel that we should step up to that duty and, what’s more, turn it to our advantage.
That means using our Energy and Climate Fund for the agreed projects and the developing countries. It’s therefore very important that we really are able to mobilize the resources we have promised, because a large number of countries have based their hopes of taking essential measures on the availability of those resources. The Green Economy Roadmap is of key importance, and we need to consolidate it at the United Nations with more detailed substance and timeframes. Managing that will be particularly significant in the run-up to Rio.
One long-running problem that is still outstanding and is sadly not going to be resolved in Rio is the fact that the UN still doesn’t have an institution focused on sustainability and protecting the environment – an institution which I feel it needs in view of how significant those topics are. The key areas it would address would be of course climate change but also biodiversity and many other topics that require attention. As I have said before, I am also not going to object to the high probability that the organization would be based in Africa. I think that’s a good thing. The UNEP there stands as a useful foundation. But it is a sad indictment of the pace at which the international community works to note that we have reached the 20th anniversary of Rio without making any progress on this point.
You are all here representing various branches of science, and I want to say one thing to you: stay stubborn. And, to put it bluntly, don’t be afraid to get on politicians’ nerves from time to time. If you have good arguments, we will listen, and we won’t be able to wriggle out of them. That communication is happening all over the place. Keep working to increase the community within our society of people who say yes, we need fundamental change.
The last 20 years have seen a major shift in thinking, on the part of industry as well as many ordinary people, but all the progress we make will be in vain if the change comes too late. That’s why I am always urging people to look at what will happen if we do nothing – and it’s a harsh prospect. Even if the changes we are experiencing would have happened without industrialization – to come back to the doubters for a moment – that doesn’t change the fact that there are seven billion of us on this planet and there’ll be eight billion before long, with the majority living in completely different parts of the world than hundreds of years ago. That fact alone is going to have consequences capable of triggering conflicts across our civilization which will cost us dear.
I can tell you that this is why the German Government has committed itself to the Council for Sustainable Development, and to the German Advisory Council on Global Change, as organizations that will scrutinize what we do and force us to think differently. We are well aware that we still have a lot of work to do in many areas, from demographic sustainability, to budgetary sustainability, to resource sustainability, to environmental sustainability.
I would also like to ask the environmental community for a little support when it comes to budgetary sustainability. We are currently caught up in a discussion which sometimes seems utterly bizarre to me. People are saying that we do nothing but save these days. I must point out that what we are actually discussing is whether to spend ten percent more than we have per year or only five percent, or perhaps three. Almost nowhere is the discussion about actually paying anything back, and almost nowhere are we talking about only spending what we earn in any one year. There are a few Scandinavian countries setting an example in this regard, but in all other cases, when people say “austerity” they actually mean running a deficit of three to six percent. I cannot see this doing us a lot of good in the long run. Sustainability needs to become a central tenet in every area of our lives. Sound growth and well-founded prosperity cannot be built on debt, greater use of resources and other such wasteful practices.
Since I know that you all already know that, I will simply say this: let us stand firm together, all courageously doing our bit, to make the change we need happen. Convincing the majority is not always easy, but I believe it is our duty to do so. I wish you all the very best of discussions. It has been a privilege to speak to you – thank you very much indeed.
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begin:: 09.05.2012
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Speech by Federal Chancellor Merkel at the Central memorial ceremony to commemorate the victims of extreme right-wing violence
President of the Bundesrat,
President of the Bundestag,
President of the Federal Constitutional Court,
Excellencies,
Ladies and gentlemen,
and above all let me address these words to the families who have lost a loved one or themselves been attacked:
Thank you for coming to this memorial ceremony today.
On the stage to my left you can see the candles that have been lit. They have been lit for peo¬ple whose lives were extinguished, extinguished by cold-blooded murderers.
Enver Şimşek. He was 38 years old, lived with his wife and two children in Nuremberg, and had realized his dream of running his own floristry business.
Abdurrahim Özüdoğru. He often helped out in a tailor’s alterations shop in Nuremberg. It was there that he was shot to death. He was 49 years old, and is survived by his daughter.
Süleyman Taşköprü. He ran a vegetable market in Hamburg. When he died at age 31, his daughter was only three years old.
Habil Kılıç. He had opened a grocer’s shop with his wife in Munich just months before his violent end at age 38. They had a daughter.
Mehmet Turgut. The 25 year old had just arrived in Rostock from Anatolia. He dreamt of a better future. But he was not given the chance to realize his dreams.
İsmail Yaşar. His snack bar was particularly popular among the school-children of his Nurem¬berg neighbourhood. He was 50 years old, and is survived by three children.
Theodoros Boulgarides. The 41 year old businessman and father of two lived in Munich. He believed in his future in Germany.
Mehmet Kubaşik. He had come to Germany with his wife, ran a kiosk with her in Dortmund, and built a new life there – for his daughter and two younger sons. He was 39 years old.
Halit Yozgat. The 21 year old ran an internet café in his hometown Kassel – until his life was cut short by the murderers.
Michèle Kiesewetter. The policewoman moved from Thuringia to Baden-Württemberg to join the force. She was just 22 years old when she was murdered in her police car on the streets of Heilbronn. The colleague in the car with her survived the attack, but was seriously injured.
Ten burning candles – ten extinguished lives. Today we pay tribute to them. Ten candles to remind us of a series of murders committed in Germany between 2000 and 2006, the perpetrators of which remained unidentified for more than ten years, until 2011. And all the time they were among us; this is a case unparalleled in our country.
There are overwhelming questions. How could this happen? Why didn’t we notice sooner what was going on? Why couldn’t we prevent it? But before we answer those, let us observe a minute’s silence. This moment of silence will be observed at 12 o’clock by workers across the country, as agreed by trade unions and employers.
Thank you.
With this silence we pay our respects to the victims of a series of murders committed by a terrorist group, based since the end of the 1990s in Thuringia, which called itself the National Socialist Underground. We commemorate the victims of these terrorists, and we also recall the victims of other terrible deeds. We recall the bomb attacks in Cologne on 19 January 2001 and 9 June 2004, in which many people were injured. Some of them are with us today. Thank you for coming. Many of you bear visible scars. But we can only guess at the pain still caused by the psychological wounds you suffered.
Sometimes reports about unscrupulous far right thugs shake us to the core. They dominate the headlines for a few days. Sometimes the name of the town remains linked in our minds to the crimes committed there. But all too often we perceive such incidents as a mere side issue. We forget quickly, much too quickly. We block out these things that happen in our midst, perhaps because we are too busy with other matters, but perhaps, too, because we feel powerless in the face of what is going on around us.
Or is it just indifference? Indifference has a creeping and invidious effect. It can destroy the cohesion of our society. Indifference leaves the victims without a name, without a face, with¬out a story.
That is why there is an eleventh candle on the stage. We have lit this candle for all the known and unknown victims of right wing extremist violence. This memorial ceremony is also dedicated to them. Each and every one of them had a family, friends and acquaintances. Their grief and suffering can scarcely be measured.
The contempt for human life displayed by these far right fanatics is ultimately incomprehensible. But we have to try to find out how and under whose influence they have become what they are. We must do all we can to ensure that other young men and women do not come to hold their fellow humans in such contempt. That we owe to the victims, to their families, to us all.
Many of the victims’ relatives are with us here today. I know how difficult it was for them to join us. They have just told me what they have gone through, how alone they felt. I am thus even more grateful that we can all be here together today. I would also like to thank the relatives who will address this assembly after me: Mr Ismail Yozgat, Ms Semiya Şimşek and Ms Gamze Kubaşik.
Most of them were left on their own in their time of need. For the motives for the crimes were a mystery – for far too long. That is the bitter truth. Few people here considered it possible that right wing extremists might be behind the murders, since the patterns of the crimes did not match those typical of terrorist offences – for example, no group claimed responsibility for the deaths. Instead, the police looked for clues in the mafia and drug scene, and even investigated other family members. For years, a number of relatives were themselves wrongly viewed with suspicion. That is particularly disturbing. I ask their forgiveness.
It isn’t just that years passed without any progress being made in the investigations into the crimes. What is worse is that these years must have been an unending nightmare for you, the families of the deceased. In one of the conversations that former Federal President Christian Wulff held with the relatives, he was told, and I quote: “We just want to be treated like normal people.” Like normal people. These three words reveal their utter despair. How awful can it be to be falsely suspected for years, instead of being able to grieve? What anguish must they have suffered when friends and neighbours turned their backs, when even close relatives were plagued by doubts? And how do you deal with your own doubts as to whether the police and other agencies are really doing everything humanly possible to find out why your loved ones were murdered?!
May I say to the families: we know that nobody can bring back your husband, your father, your son or your daughter. Nobody can erase the years of grief and loneliness. Nobody can undo the pain, the anger and the disbelief. But we can all show you today that you are no longer alone with your grief. Our sympathy goes out to you. We share your grief.
As Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany I promise you that we will do everything to solve these murders, to identify all those behind them and to ensure that everyone involved is given their due punishment. All the relevant agencies at regional and national level are working with urgency on these cases. This is of great importance, but it is not enough on its own. For we also have to do everything consonant with the rule of law to ensure that something like this can never happen again.
A Bund-Länder Commission has in the meantime been established to examine far right terrorism. In addition, Committees of Enquiry in the regional parliament of Thuringia and the German Bundestag are working on the issue. The first steps have already been taken to improve cooperation between the Offices for the Protection of the Constitution and the police, and between regional and national agencies.
We are taking this action because we do not accept that people should be exposed to hatred, contempt and violence. We are acting because we take a firm line on those who persecute others on the basis of their background, colour or religion. Tolerance is the wrong answer wherever fundamental tenets of humanity are questioned. Tolerance would be its own worst enemy if it did not protect itself from intolerance.
“Human dignity is inviolable. To respect and protect it shall be the duty of all state authority.” Thus begins our constitution, the Basic Law. This was our response to twelve years of National Socialism in Germany, to the unspeakable disregard for humanity and the barbarity evinced at that time, to that betrayal of all civilized values that was the Shoah. “Human dignity is inviolable.” That is the basis for our life together here. It is the foundation on which the free democratic constitutional order of the Federal Republic of Germany is built.
Whenever people in our country are marginalized, threatened or persecuted, the foundations of that our free democratic constitutional order are undermined; the values of our Basic Law are attacked. The murders committed by the terrorist cell from Thuringia were therefore also an attack on our country. They are a disgrace for our country.
As part of my job as Chancellor, I sometimes have to watch videos made by criminals such as hostage-takers. I have also seen the video discovered in the course of the investigations into the Thuringia cell. It contains images of the familiar cartoon figure, the Pink Panther. Its makers brag about the murders and ridicule the victims. I have never yet in my work seen anything more inhuman, more perfidious, more infamous – insofar as the term “more” can be applied to these words.
It made me wonder how people come to say and do such things. Who or what influences extremist criminals? How can it be that such criminals time and again find accomplices and followers? How can we best protect people from animosity and threats?
We have to face up to our failures in fulfilling this duty. We have to face up to the fact that sometimes, in precisely those places which are suffering high unemployment and the exodus of their populations, the familiar structures of youth work are lost as well, and leisure opportunities disappear – and the enemies of our democracy know how to exploit that state of affairs. We are in a bad way if neo Nazis can lure young people with nights out because nobody else is doing anything for them. We must not rest easy while an anti constitutional and far right party is able to attract young families with games and parties because they are not on offer elsewhere.
The state is obliged to mobilize all its resources in this situation. However, state measures alone will hardly be able to conquer hatred and violence. Our security services need partners, civilians who do not avert their eyes – we need civil society to be strong. You can’t legislate for that. It can only happen when each individual feels responsible for the whole, when everyone contributes personally to our peaceful coexistence. Civil society germinates in family life. It is already in the first few years of their lives that children learn the principles of living together responsibly. Among friends and acquaintances too, in schools, clubs and at work, that development continues.
I do see a lot of encouraging signs though, lots of people taking action so that we can live together in peace. A few days ago, for instance, thousands of people gathered and held hands in Dresden to commemorate the bombing of the city. Their gesture put a stop to the Nazis who wanted to use the anniversary to their own ends. Every day, a host of initiatives great and small speak out against hatred and violence in our country, launched by courageous people taking a stand. Some of those people are with us today. Allow me to thank you on behalf of many others in our country. The foundations, the media, the teachers and clergy, the businessmen and women, those representing clubs and associations – all those who do what they can to foster harmony and combat hatred and violence, all of them have our gratitude.
The fight against prejudice, contempt and exclusion is one that needs to be fought every day, in family homes, neighbourhoods, schools, our cultural and leisure facilities, religious communities, and places of work. In all of these places, we should keep our ears open and develop an acute sense for those little remarks, those throw away comments. We are often inclined to let the things people say go, preferring to assume that they didn’t really mean it.
Violence, though, is by no means the first sign of intolerance and racism. It’s not just the extremists who are dangerous. People who fuel prejudice and create a climate of contempt are dangerous too. That being the case, how important it is to be sensitive and alert to the first signs of victimization and disparagement. Indifference and inattention often mark the beginning of a creeping process of dehumanization. Words can grow into deeds.
The Irish philosopher Edmund Burke once said, “All that is necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing.” Yes, democracy depends on people not turning a blind eye, it depends on our participation. It depends on all of us standing up for it, every day, each of us holding our section of the line. To live in democracy, we are called upon to take responsibility for ensuring that we can live together in freedom – and, therefore, that we can enjoy diversity in our lives. If that is successful, we will see the richness of that diversity bear fruit, to every¬one’s benefit.
Throughout our history, Germany has learned this lesson time and again. Our history has seen a lot of emigration and immigration, with the result that we have links to many places all over the world. Germany owes a good deal of its prosperity to its cosmopolitanism and the curiosity it brings to relations with others. The essence of life in this country lies in variety, in the multifarious life stories people have. Germany is all of us – all of us living in this country, wherever we come from, whatever we look like, whatever we believe in, whether we are strong or weak, healthy or sick, with or without disabilities, old or young.
We are one country, one society. And people who come to us from the many different countries on this planet aren’t just immigrants either. Like everyone else, they too display variety and difference. All us of together make up the face of Germany, our identity in the globalized world of the 21st century – grounded in our Basic Law and the values it contains, our free democratic constitutional order, expressed in our language. Committed to those values, we stand together to defend the inviolable human dignity enshrined in the first line of our constitution.
That is the message of the twelfth candle on the stage. This candle is a symbol of our shared hope and confidence in a bright future. Let us all, together, in the various places we occupy and with whatever tools we have, live for that hope and that confidence – for the good of our country and its people.
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begin:: 23.02.2012
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Speech by Federal Chancellor Merkel at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS)
Esteemed Vice-Presidents Professor Wang Weiguang and
Professor Li Yang,
Ladies and gentlemen,
I still remember my first visit to the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences very clearly. Back then, in 2007, the Academy’s broad range of topics and unusually substantive work impressed me greatly. That is why I’m so delighted to be back here with you today. Of course, I haven’t come here alone. Our delegation includes members of the German Bundestag from every party, a large business delegation and of course journalists who have accompanied us to China.
It is an honour to me to speak to you again here today, as CASS is one of the most significant research institutions in China. Because it advises the Chinese Government on political issues, CASS bears a great deal of responsibility for China’s future and its role in the world. This also means that the Academy maintains many international partnerships. We are especially pleased that the Academy collaborates very closely with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Germany and is one of its main partners. The collaboration between CASS and German organizations reflects the vitality of our bilateral relations as a whole. My visit here is of course also set in the broader context of current issues such as a sustainable economy and the further development of the international security architecture.
When the Federal Republic of Germany and China established diplomatic relations 40 years ago, it was scarcely conceivable that our countries would someday come to cooperate as closely as we do today. It is because of this close cooperation that we now speak of a strategic partnership. I’ve come here with the intention of further strengthening this partnership. I know that my partner, Prime Minister Wen Jiabao, feels very much the same way I do about this.
I’d like to point out and emphasize three important facets of our relations.
The first facet is the expansion of our partnership in the area of culture. 2012 is the Year of Chinese Culture in Germany. This year we will have the opportunity to learn more about Chinese culture and history. I’m reminded of the initiative “China and Germany – Moving Ahead Together”, which visited many provinces of China. The opening concert of the Year of Chinese Culture in Germany took place this week. I think many people in Germany are keenly interested in both Chinese history and contemporary China.
Being interested in one another also means engaging in debate with one another. It can also mean that these discussions include controversy. But as I say again and again, dialogue creates trust, dialogue creates greater understanding. Trust is always the foundation for fruitful relations between people, as well as for building intense partnership between countries in all areas of life.
China and Germany have long cultivated an open and honest exchange of political views, which has often included controversial issues. We have a dialogue on human rights, we have a dialogue on the rule of law, and we talk a lot about inalienable human rights. This will certainly also be the case during my current visit. We are engaged in a dialogue about how our societies, with their very different circumstances and highly divergent histories, can develop further in the direction of economic freedom, social security and environmental responsibility. We live together in a globalized world and we know that this means we are responsible for one another.
This leads me to the second facet: as you have just mentioned, in the middle of last year I had the opportunity to welcome Prime Minister Wen and numerous members of the Chinese cabinet to the first German-Chinese intergovernmental consultations in Berlin, which took our bilateral relations to a new level. It was extremely interesting to engage in dialogue with the many ministers. We reached some concrete agreements and we will continue to cooperate on highly practical matters. The next round of intergovernmental consultations will take place next year in China.
I think that we will move forward in many areas. One example I’d like to mention here is that we intend to develop common standards for electric cars. This is a growing sector with major future potential. Developing shared norms, rather than working separately to each come up with different norms, could prove highly significant. We have, to name another example, also begun talks about export financing. Both of the areas I’ve mentioned are very important to Germany and China as export nations.
This brings me to the third facet: economic relations. Germany is China’s leading trade partner in the European Union; according to some forecasts, China could within the course of this year become Germany’s top export market outside the European Union. Last year our trade totalled more than 140 billion euro. This set a new record. Relations are developing very dynamically.
Of course, we’re also paying attention to China’s considerable growth rate. Even in 2009, in the midst of the crisis, GDP grew by more than nine per cent. But China also knows what major challenges it faces, as expressed in your twelfth five-year plan. This plan sets out highly ambitious goals: further improvement of technological skills, expansion of social security systems, better environmental protection, reigning in inflation and stronger domestic demand. In some of these areas, Germany would be more than willing to engage in an exchange with you and contribute our experiences with a social market economy – for example, regarding stronger environmental protection, the development of social security systems or more firmly establishing sustainable economic practices here in China.
We know that long-term economic prosperity is only conceivable on the basis of balanced domestic development. This means, at least in Germany’s experience, that steady and appropriate growth rests on a foundation of social harmony, regional balance, environmentally sustainable business practices and – not least – rule-of-law structures. I’m well aware that your country is very large. That is precisely why regional differences are an issue the Government grapples with so intensely.
In the coming years we will continue to further intensify our cooperation in many different areas. We cooperate closely in the areas of education and research, science, energy policy and environmental policy. But there is still room to enhance this cooperation. German businesses are also interested in further and more intense cooperation. Our delegation includes many representatives of the business community – representatives of major firms as well as of medium-sized enterprises. I believe that China will see very dynamic growth of medium-sized businesses in the coming years. That is why we want to make new forms of cooperation in this area possible alongside the already existing cooperation.
So what do international business investors need, what do German business representatives talk about? They need open markets. I can assure you that our market, the German market, is open for Chinese investors. Likewise, we would like German companies here to be treated equally to Chinese companies. This means that a level playing field is utterly crucial for good economic cooperation. Of course, we also need effective protection of intellectual property. Business people have repeatedly spoken about the need for access to appropriate financing in order for companies to grow dynamically in China. I think we’ve made a lot of progress, but during my current visit we will also have to speak about the issues that remain to be solved.
The important thing is always fair cooperation, fair competition based on reciprocity. As I said before, Germany is a place where China’s companies are sure to invest even more in future. There are already some major examples of this happening, but there is a lot of room for developing it further.
We all know how closely intertwined we are in the global economy. We also know that the global economy is faced with certain risks. In the aftermath of the international financial and economic crisis, we are still feeling the effects everywhere, and we need to address them. This applies particularly to Europe.
What is making itself felt in Europe, especially in those countries which have the euro, is that many countries’ post-crisis stimulus packages caused their levels of sovereign debt to rise excessively. We now have a sovereign debt crisis in a number of European countries, which has shone light on the individual euro states’ sometimes vastly divergent levels of competitiveness. It is therefore not our currency which is in crisis; we are dealing with a debt crisis and a question of competitiveness.
In this situation, we sense that there is something in the European Union, particularly in the eurozone, that is not as highly developed as it should be. That something is what we call the political union. This means that, while we have a monetary union, it is as yet a manifestation of too little political common ground. Political common ground – the basis, so to speak, of monetary union – is what we need to work on in the coming years. There has been considerable progress on that score over the last two years, in the EU as a whole and especially in the euro countries. We now have much tighter budgetary discipline. Just in these last few days, we agreed on a fiscal compact committing every euro country to implementing sound budget policy.
At the same time as we were doing that, we also talked about improved competitiveness and better ways of boosting growth. These things are just as vital, given what a key issue unemployment is in a lot of European countries. The current average of youth unemployment in the EU member states, for example, is 20 per cent. In some countries, the level is even twice as high. It goes without saying that this is a bad starting point from which to really create growth. That’s why competitiveness, growth, combating unemployment and creating new jobs are right up there next to budgetary discipline on our agenda, to get us back on a sustain¬able track.
I want to make it absolutely clear that having the euro as our common currency has made the European Union stronger. The euro brought enormous benefits for a country like Germany, as a major exporter could of course function very much better in the eurozone and the EU with a common currency. That is what is behind our thinking. On the one hand, each country must do its homework and make progress on eliminating deficiencies to the best of its abilities. At the same time, however, we need to stand together in solidarity as well, since those who share a currency have to share in defending it.
For the future, however, this will mean that we need more Europe – greater coherence among our economic policies and greater coherence among our initiatives for innovation. The EU will therefore need to become a closer union over the coming years. Germany is going to be especially committed in that work. We may therefore conclude that Europe grows closer in a crisis. Looking at the European Union, with our combined total of 500 million inhabitants, it is clear that we are still small in comparison to your country, with its population of 1.3 billion. Figures like these show that, for us to be able to hold our own in the international arena, the European Union is the perfect answer to globalization. Germany appreciates that fact very keenly indeed.
As we now know, high levels of sovereign debt are by no means a purely European phenomenon. Countries elsewhere have them too – with even higher deficits in some cases. It is therefore very important for us to cooperate within the G20, an objective in which Germany and China are taking an extremely active role. Despite disagreements on many matters of detail, we have nonetheless managed to advance cooperation among the 20 most important industrialized nations considerably in recent years and find fit answers to the challenges of the global economy.
In South Korea, we agreed on an agenda for growth. A number of key points, on regulating the financial markets, for instance, have been achieved. We in Germany still see this as a top priority, as we believe that one of the crucial things that made the global financial crisis possi¬ble was the lack of sufficient regulation of the global financial markets.
That’s why Germany is adamant that we move forwards under the principle that regulation is required for every product and player on the financial markets and for every location where financial transactions take place. That regulation will only work if we make it consistent across the world. As we understand it, that means instituting better equity capital guidelines for banks; finally managing, as we have done, to handle systemically relevant banks in such a way as to prevent them remaining a danger to the global economic system; and eliminating loopholes in financial derivatives regulation. The task of improving global regulation of the entire shadow banking sphere still lies ahead; it is finally going to be dealt with in the coming two years.
Because all of this is so crucial, we are committed to closer cooperation on financial policy, as on other things. Germany’s and China’s financial regulators are already engaged in just that. Our respective central banks are collaborating closely as well. It is my belief that there is room for further development there too.
Ladies and gentlemen, China is not only an important partner for us in economic matters; we are of course also working together on global issues. I won’t dwell too much here on the chal¬lenges facing us in foreign policy, but I do want to bring up the necessity of international regulation in such areas as, for instance, climate change. Progress on that was made at the most recent conference in South Africa, with the decision to negotiate a legally binding climate change agreement. It is thanks to China, in part, that this was possible.
That said, I would point out that it is a long time from now until 2020. It would of course be nicer and better if we could have a direct handover from the Kyoto Protocol to the new regime. Climate change, after all, will not wait. We in Germany and you here in China can sense how necessary sustainable energy supplies are, and how essential greater energy efficiency is. We support all of the things being done to these ends in China. China needs a lot of energy. Energy efficiency, and efficient resource management in general, is as big an issue here as it is in Germany – in some areas, I am sure, it is even bigger for you than for us. These considerations apply not only to energy production but I would also cite the example of water supplies, where we again have very good chances of cooperating fruitfully.
To turn briefly to foreign policy issues, I would like to touch on two subjects which are very important to us at the moment. The first of these is Iran’s nuclear programme. We are addressing this issue in talks by the E3+3 group – which includes China. We hope that these talks will continue. At the same time, given that they have not been successful in recent years, given that we don’t think Iran is acting with transparency, we are of the opinion that we also need sanctions as a way of trying to make Iran more cooperative. We are agreed that we do not want Iran to have a nuclear programme.
The other foreign policy issue I’d like to mention is Syria. Glaring human rights abuses are being perpetrated in Syria. During our visit, I am sure that I will be talking to various representatives of China’s political leadership about ways in which we might increase our common ground on the Syria issue. The Arab League has been playing a pivotal role. I believe that the UN Security Council should formulate a clear position at this time.
Ladies and gentlemen, how will future generations look back at our century, at the 21st century? We need to be asking ourselves that question all the time. Will they see it as a century of clashes over distribution of resources, a century of conflict and environmental destruction? Or will they see this as a century in which countries learned to make their economies sustainable and be fair towards future generations? I am working to see us manage to go down the latter path. This will require us to collaborate closely, build trust and, time and again, struggle to find the right way forwards, with many a debate on sometimes hotly disputed questions.
My visit to China coincides with the beginning of the Year of the Dragon. The Year of the Dragon is a special year in China, a year of new ideas and major changes. I very much hope that we will use the year in German-Chinese relations to get to know one another even better, develop new projects and go down new paths together. The Year of Chinese Culture in Germany, like the many events being held here in China during this anniversary year for our diplomatic relations, are sure to give us plenty of opportunities to do so. This visit is one of them.
It only remains for me to thank you once again for having me here to speak to you today. Thank you.
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begin:: 02.02.2012
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Speech by Federal Chancellor Merkel at the opening of the German-Chinese Economic Forum
Governor,
Mr Löscher,
Mr Sindemann,
Ladies and gentlemen,
There are very good reasons why I’ve made Guangdong Province one of the stops on my visit to China this year. The Pearl River Delta has undergone an incredibly profound transformation in recent decades – a transformation, I think it is fair to say, that has been experienced almost nowhere else on earth. Shenzhen offers one of the many examples of this transformation. In the late 1970s the city was home to some 20,000 people; its population has since grown to 15 million. Guangdong Province is one of China’s most important economic hubs.
When we look back on 40 years of diplomatic relations, the starting point of the 1970s enables us to really see just how much has changed. The economic output of Guangdong Province is now roughly comparable with that of the entire country of Indonesia. Almost a third of Chinese exports originate in this province. And about a fifth of direct foreign investment flows to this region.
German business also plays an important role in this development. More than 400 companies from my country have a presence in Guangdong. They have invested more than a billion euro in the region, contributing to the province’s industrial and technological strength and creating a lot of good jobs. Our trade with Guangdong totalled about 23 billion euro in 2010, roughly equivalent to the volume of Germany’s trade with the Republic of Korea.
Guangdong’ position at the forefront of Chinese reform and liberalization policy as well as the incremental opening of the country makes it a role model. That is why your province also offers a microcosm of the challenges all of China faces. Rapid urbanization has far‑reaching consequences for the environment and for people’s living conditions. That is also why it is such a good thing that these mega-trends are being discussed here at this Economic Forum. The population is growing very quickly. Good transport, energy and telecommunications infrastructure is needed, as is effective closed cycle management. Resources need to be used efficiently. Beyond this – and this too is a sign of greater development – wages are climbing rapidly. This is why productivity also needs to increase, technological skills need to be expanded and products need to move to a higher level of added value. The way your province, Guangdong, is doing these things will later serve as a model for many other provinces in China that will follow your example.
And might I add, as the business people who are also here today as part of my delegation have suggested, that German companies are prepared to support Guangdong in this. We have outstanding technological expertise. We have experience with environmental protection, energy efficiency and modern technology. That is why the region has the potential to become even more of a role model for German-Chinese cooperation. We could build on the excellent cooperation of recent years.
China has become one of Germany’s leading economic partners. Last year our trade reached a volume of 140 billion euro, which sounds even more impressive if I say it in dollars: roughly 180 billion dollars. In the past year, German exports to China have again increased rapidly, growing by about 20 percent to roughly 65 billion euro. This figure has nearly doubled since 2008. According to some projections, China could by the end of this year become our leading export market outside the European Union.
China’s swift economic ascent is, however, greeted with suspicion in some quarters. Let me make very plain to you that I don’t see it that way. On one hand, this change brings with it the opportunity to provide more people a decent income and a decent life. On the other hand, increasing economic output also means more demand from China, which in turn benefits other internationally oriented economies. Germany is pleased at China’s success because we see in it opportunities for us as well as for you; we see a classic win‑win situation.
As an economically powerful country with a large population, China possesses growing influence in bilateral and international cooperation. Correspondingly, the country is also gaining new responsibilities in the world. When it comes to German-Chinese relations, China’s development is creating an opportunity for our two countries to cooperate even more closely. I have spoken to Prime Minister Wen Jiabao about this today and in the past few days.
We want to intensify our investment relations in both directions. What is important to us is to have reliable framework conditions and level playing field in China – that is, for our German companies to be treated on an equal footing with Chinese companies. This will lead to better cooperation. I’d like to underscore that these are precisely the kinds of opportunities Germany is offering Chinese companies. This is also something I’ve just spoken to the Chinese Prime Minister about in our economic talks.
German companies are therefore prepared to invest here in China. That is why our business delegation includes major companies with big plans for your country – you’ve already mentioned some of these companies. Our delegation also includes medium-sized and family‑run businesses. Today we looked at one example of such a family‑run business and were able to determine that they too were offering very good technical solutions. I think that with China’s further economic success, specialized small and medium-sized enterprises will also develop step by step.
I think China will have an excellent opportunity to present itself in Germany once again this year at the Hannover Messe, the world’s largest industrial trade fair. China is a partner country there, and will be able to demonstrate its skills and abilities. China and the Chinese companies which are exhibitors there will also have a chance to get to know Germany better. It has always been our experience that everyone grows stronger through competition if the competition is fair – if it’s a competition in which intellectual property is protected and if it’s a competition with reliable legal framework conditions.
Guangdong has always been a trailblazer in its cosmopolitan outlook and should, Governor, also remain so. I think the cooperation between your province and Germany will then become even more intense. I would like to express my thanks to all the German companies who work day in and day out to ensure that this part of the world develops well and at the same time that “Made in Germany” lives up to its reputation. It’s not every day that politicians come to Guangdong, so this is a good opportunity for me to say that we’re proud of what you’re creating here in this region.
I wish you and the Economic Forum all the best and every success. I believe that this Forum is a contribution to making business ties between Germany and China even closer, to building trust even further, and I believe that together we can learn something – and gain something – from it.
Thank you very much.
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begin:: 03.02.2012
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Speech by Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel at the New Year reception for the Diplomatic Corps
Excellencies,
Ladies and gentlemen,
On behalf of the entire German Government – most especially the Foreign Minister – I would like to wish you all a happy and healthy 2012 and a very warm welcome to our New Year reception. We have voted in the German Bundestag to extend the Afghanistan mandate for another year. In that respect, it was almost symbolic that we had to postpone this reception. Be that as it may – you are all extremely welcome here today.
I would like to touch on just a few things which will be staying on our agenda in the coming year. Firstly, it has already become clear that what happens in the European Union, and what happens to the euro, is of interest not only to ourselves but to everyone around the globe. The major financial and economic crisis in particular has shown us how interdependent we are, how close the multitude of ties between us have become. Nowadays, growth on our continent means growth on another. And I’ll say this to you today: yes, there is a sovereign debt crisis in some countries – but we all know that the changes we make will need to be built on a number of different pillars. One of those pillars is sound, sustainable budget policy. Another is policy which boosts growth, for greater competitiveness and, above all, for more jobs. That’s what the people in our countries are interested in.
We are also tasked with making things in the EU more binding and more cohesive. We won’t be able to do that if we are not prepared to transfer the odd national power to the EU level. That’s not always an easy process – but we need to be able to rely on each other, and we need European institutions which make sure we can. Otherwise, our efforts, especially as regards our common currency, cannot succeed.
Allow me to make one thing absolutely clear, though: the German Government and I personally know that the EU is what we call home. The unified German state and European integration are two sides of the same coin. Former Federal Chancellor Helmut Kohl used to say the same thing, and it is in that spirit that we want to carry on. When we had the privilege of celebrating 50 years of the Rome Treaties at the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin, we said in our Declaration that “We have united for the better.” As I have reiterated several times over the last few days, we were right to put it like that. That phrase expresses exactly the way we see things – and that is why we will work to help resolve the problems that exist.
This is a country which has human dignity and respect for human rights established as fundamental elements in the preamble of our Basic Law. We were therefore all the more shocked to have to discover that it had been possible for right-wing extremists to commit a series of horrific murders in Germany over the course of ten years. You may be assured that we will do everything, and I mean everything, to uncover the full facts of that phenomenon and ensure that nothing like that can ever happen again.
We all know that the EU needs to be made an even stronger union. At the same time, we also say to the states of the Western Balkans in particular that their prospects of joining the EU still stand. We welcome the referendum that was just held in Croatia. Given how important accession prospects are for these countries, we are working to overcome a large number of problems. However, it goes without saying that the states in question also need to maintain good relations with one another.
We traditionally enjoy close relations with our neighbours – an obvious example is Ukraine, but Russia of course also stands out most prominently. We hope that the elections there run smoothly, and democratically. I can tell you that collaboration with Russia, on the part of the EU as well as Germany in particular, will remain a major priority.
A year ago – this time last year it was Egypt, more than a year ago now it was Tunisia – we became witness to what has become known as the Arab Spring, a call for greater freedom. We are also aware, though, that there are sure to be complicated processes ahead. The people there may be assured of Germany’s support. No matter which country you should care to name, we will do our bit to advance its development. It is our hope that human rights will be respected in Syria, and we are right behind the Arab League in everything it is doing in that regard.
I now turn to something I have said in past years and must, with regret, repeat this year. We are concerned at the Iranian nuclear programme. We are again calling on Iran to come to the negotiating table and create transparency. Sanctions are the result of not negotiating, of not making progress, of not ensuring transparency on the nuclear programme.
I also wish to say explicitly how saddened we are that little to no progress seems possible, or at least has been possible, on the Middle East conflict. Germany will be continuing to campaign for a two-state solution with Israel as a Jewish state and another state for the Palestinians. We will keep working hard on that. Whenever our assistance is required, we will play our part.
We are glad to see that there have been various favourable developments in Africa, our neighbouring continent. At the same time, we are also hearing some saddening news. The partnership between the EU and the African Union is very important to us. I can promise the AU that we will carry on at its side this coming year. In 2011 alone, around 20 countries held elections in Africa. People in Europe often think that it’s only here that there’s always an election on – but it’s just the same in Africa. It’s election time in the United States, too. It goes without saying that we hope this year’s elections in Africa go as peacefully as possible, that they are transparent, and that any transfer of power is then accepted so that countries can have new presidents. It is certainly a difficult process sometimes, but democracy is the best solution.
We are pleased to see Myanmar showing some more openness and sending new signals. We are of course following developments, and we are keen to lend solid support on this path of reform. As in all things, we are pursuing this not only bilaterally but also within the context of European foreign policy. It is our intention to strengthen and support that European foreign policy.
Germany is again standing for membership of the UN Human Rights Council. What we offer is help for states on the way to establishing greater respect for human rights. We will of course also be remaining determined in pushing forwards with this task at the UN Security Council this year.
I am very grateful for the great progress we have been able to make with many countries, albeit sometimes very slowly, to improve protection for children in armed conflict and enhance understanding of the need to protect our climate and resources. This year, it will be 20 years since the UN Earth Summit in Rio, an anniversary we will be marking in Brazil. Looking back over those two decades, we will discover that we have made progress. We will also discover, however, that progress on many issues is still only crawling. Things are moving slowly. If we consider biodiversity, climate change, endangered species or the many areas at risk of desertification, there is no escaping the worry that things are moving too slowly. I believe that we need to make sure together that our economies are sustainable and that our natural resources can always regenerate.
This is an extremely important task, given that the seven billionth member of the global population was born last year. We are acutely aware of the fact that we are now seven billion people on this planet. When Konrad Adenauer was Chancellor, the first of the Federal Republic of Germany, there were 2.5 billion human beings in the whole world. Between then and now, the population in Europe has stayed more or less the same, while many other parts of the world are now home to many, many more people. That is what makes it so vital that we work together to consider our shared future. That’s what makes it so important to strengthen UN organizations – such as the UNEP – which address that fact and to develop a green economy combining growth with sustainability.
Ladies and gentlemen, this year we will be holding the NATO Summit in Chicago. We will use it to bolster our transatlantic cooperation, send out new signals and confirm that we – the United States, Canada and the European countries – are fulfilling our NATO obligations together.
The particular focus of our work is Afghanistan. The Conference in Bonn at the end of last year was an important step. I would like to reiterate my thanks to the Foreign Office for all the work that went into that. At the same time, allow me also to thank the Government of Afghanistan. It is our intention to complete the transfer of responsibility for security in the near future. We stand by that plan. We are training the Afghan forces in order to make it possible. I believe that Afghanistan does harbour the desire to stand on its own two feet. We will also support the reconciliation process wherever we can.
Ladies and gentlemen, the first month of this new year has already demonstrated that it will be another year full of challenges to undertake. I myself am travelling to China next week, where we will discuss German-Chinese cooperation. We have also launched intergovernmental consultations with India. As you can see, we keep putting one foot in front of the other. Naturally, we also want to support Mexico as it holds the Presidency of the G20 and work on a world in which as many people as possible can do well.
You are ambassadors for your countries in the truest sense of the word. Our message to you from Germany is that we want to collaborate in peace and friendship with all the other countries of the world. In all our interests, we will gear our policy to human rights, to more prosperity and to advancement for us all. On that note, let me reiterate how very welcome you all are here today. And now, I will hand you over to the Apostolic Nuncio.
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begin:: 26.01.2012
end::
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Speech by Dr Angela Merkel, Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, at the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2012
Professor Schwab,
Madam President,
Allow me to also extend my warmest greetings to one of the many government representatives here today, namely my colleague Helle Thorning-Schmidt, the Prime Minister of Denmark, in her capacity as President of the EU Council. For Denmark currently holds the Presidency of the European Union.
Excellencies,
Ladies and gentlemen,
Mr Schwab, I was delighted to accept your invitation and have come to the Davos Forum with particular interest this year. After all, this annual meeting marks the high point of the numerous activities you organize throughout the year. This year’s theme, “The Great Transformation: Shaping New Models”, is certainly very appropriate and, as always, very ambitious. But then, Davos is ambitious. It implies that, basically, a major rethink is necessary. Since 2008/2009 we have, in principle, been discussing what we’ve learned from the large-scale financial and economic crisis of the last few years.
If we ask ourselves – I asked this question here last year and will ask it again – what lessons we’ve actually learned from the financial and economic crisis and whether what we’ve learned is sufficient, then this year I feel bound to say once more: we haven’t yet learned enough. If we’re talking about adopting a completely new way of thinking, then we certainly haven’t completed the process yet. So there’s no doubt in my mind that there’s enough scope here for new ideas.
If we look at things realistically, or even pessimistically, we have to admit that although it became patently obvious in 2008 and 2009 that the world is closely interconnected, we haven’t managed to conclude the international WTO trade round, the Doha Round. On the contrary, at the last G20 meeting the OECD told us that signs of protectionism had increased rather than decreased.
We have made progress on bank regulation. Yes, at the last G20 meeting in Cannes we agreed on a regulatory framework for the world’s major systemic banks. But when it comes to the entire shadow banking sphere, it looks as if we’ll have to wait another two years for a regulatory framework. Naturally, many people are asking us what this means, what we’ve learned. For after all, it’s obvious that a lack of regulation led to the current predicament.
I don’t want to look at the financial transaction tax here today. However, I would like to say that if the world had learned its lesson and everyone had agreed that “we have to show our citizens that not only do we pay VAT on every product but that we all also pay tax on all financial transactions,” then that would have sent a strong political signal. But it doesn’t look as if that is what will happen.
And here’s a third pessimistic remark: 2012 marks the 20th anniversary of Rio. We will be gathering in Rio de Janeiro again this year. However, when it comes to a follow-up agreement to Kyoto – the President has just spoken of this – we have to admit that in the sphere of climate protection there will be fewer binding obligations rather than more for the time being.
That means that the world still has much to do. Indeed, we have more than enough to do. We also have to choose a pace which will prevent immutable and irreversible damage.
Questions regarding new methods certainly also have to be discussed in Europe. We’ve learned our lesson: we’re aware that we’re all closely connected, that we’re part of one world. However, we’ve also seen in Europe that the financial and economic crisis which emanated from America has left deep scars in Europe, scars which we are still working to heal.
Europe is a major – and successful – political project. I believe that all my European colleagues share my strong conviction that we want to further develop this project. We rightly said on the 50th anniversary of the signing of the Rome Treaties “We have united for the better.” It’s fortu¬nate that we have united, for we wouldn’t be in a better situation if we had not.
If we consider that the seven billionth citizen was born last year, then we can see how Europe has developed in the global context. For when European integration began to emerge in the early fifties – a post-war peace project whose success cannot be overrated following centuries of war – the world’s population was around 2.5 billion people. 500 million of them were European at that time. Europe’s population has remained more or less the same since then, but the world now has seven billion inhabitants. Europe thus only accounts for seven per cent of the global population and 20 per cent of the global GDP. Both figures will fall further in the coming years. Thus, alongside the question of peace, freedom and democracy, we now have to ask ourselves: How can we hold our own in this world, and how can we articulate common interests? That’s only possible if we work together as Europeans. A country like Germany, the largest economy in Europe, has only just over one per cent of the world’s population – and this figure is falling, as Europe as a whole faces a major demographic change.
Thus, both the common sense and the emotions which lie behind our decision to unite for the better now motivate us to successfully come through this difficult phase. What has been brought home to us? Three things have become clear. The debate on sovereign debts in some European countries is always to the fore. We therefore sometimes speak of a sovereign debt crisis. Second, it’s become clear – and this is as least as important – that some European countries are finding it difficult to be competitive. And it has become clear – and this is even more difficult to deal with – that the political structures required to ensure that the whole system works are lacking, especially in the sphere of our single currency – in the economic and monetary union.
That shouldn’t be cause for despondency. I’m very glad that, all in all, everyone agrees with this analysis. The deficits have built up over years. It therefore won’t be possible to close them in one go. It will take time to come to grips with them. However, we’re determined to do just that.
As the considerable burden of the international financial and economic crisis has meant that these structural causes are much more evident than they would perhaps have been if we had experienced steady development – although one day we would have reached this point, but probably not so soon – confidence in Europe, and particularly in the euro area, has now been lost throughout the world. For the question that’s being asked is: how are you going to put things right?
I believe the first question has to be: are we ready to dare more Europe? My response to that is: 2011 showed that, yes, we are ready. That’s the good news. More specifically, we are ready to do so in three areas.
The first area is budgetary discipline, and not only because it concerns the budget but also because it concerns sustainability. All in all, we need stable growth, not only in Europe but all over the world. We need stable conditions. Sustainability will have to be the hallmark of the future if we are to achieve stability in the budgetary sphere.
Second, I’d like to mention the sphere of competitiveness in combination with jobs. This is a very central area. People won’t believe in Europe if unemployment remains high.
And third, mutual solidarity, which shows that we belong together, that we want to belong together and that the outside world expects us to support each other.
If we look at what has been achieved by individual countries during the last year in respect of the first two points, budgetary discipline and competitiveness, then it’s still not enough. But there is perhaps something among the many issues discussed every day which is sometimes forgotten: anyone who looks at what has happened in Spain, at what is now happening in Italy, what has happened in Portugal, Ireland and to some extent also in Greece – although it’s not always completely satisfactory – will realize that much more has been set in motion than we’ve seen for many years.
In 2000, the European Heads of State and Government decided that Europe was to be the most competitive continent by 2010. Obviously, we haven’t quite succeeded. However, we have realized recently that something has to change in this sphere. That’s why it’s not only the austerity measures, which are very much to the fore at present, which matter. Equally important in my view are the structural reforms which are being tackled and which will result in more jobs. That’s my firm belief. Incidentally, all the examples we’ve seen in Europe show this, too –whether it be Sweden or the labour market reforms in Germany, known as Hartz IV, which led to a massive improvement in the labour market. We’ve gone from five million to less than three million unemployed.
However, everyone knows that this takes longer than 12 or 18 months. It’s important now to be patient and allow these reforms to take effect rather than doing a u-turn halfway and saying: there’s no point. As our world has become very fast-paced, it’s crucial that we make sure that this is, in principle, the right way forward.
In just a few days’ time, on 30 January, we will hold an extraordinary EU Council, and subsequently a regular European Council in March. We’ll be talking about growth and jobs at both summits. We can put it in very simple terms – Commission President José Manuel Barroso has said it often: Europe has 23 million companies and 23 million unemployed people. If each one of these companies could hire just one person then we could solve the problem. Of course, I know that’s not possible. I just want to say that this isn’t a problem which can’t be solved at all.
Europe has an internal market. Of course, employees don’t move freely because our cultural realities are very different. Certainly, we have to become more flexible in this respect. We’ll therefore discuss which countries have had the best experience, which laws laid the groundwork for this good experience and how can we learn from each other, even if labour law, for instance, doesn’t fall within the EU’s sphere of competence. We will consider where we still have funds which could be utilized more efficiently and which could perhaps be used to promote small and medium-sized enterprises. And we’ll also discuss where we can organize partnerships among countries and who can make their experience available to whom.
I believe it’s absolutely essential for young people in particular to see that things are moving forward. However, we have an average youth unemployment rate of more than 20 per cent, more than 40 per cent in some countries. It’s little wonder then if some young people aren’t exactly convinced that Europe has opted for the right path.
We’re determined to find it. The Danish EU Presidency will work together with the Commission to this end. Incidentally, this project can be implemented by every country regardless of whether or not they belong to the euro area. After all, we have the Euro Plus Pact and much more.
Ladies and gentlemen, of course we are also asked: what about more commitment in Europe and more solidarity? I believe Europe has now reached a point where the boundaries between foreign policy and domestic policy are slowly blurring. We have to discuss our internal market and our common European Union. And we have to be honest with each other. There’s no use, for example, in simply stating, preamble-style: “We have united for the better.” We have. However, our task today is to transform this Europe into a functioning Europe so that future generations will still want to say it. That means we have to be prepared to hand over more national compe¬tences to Europe.
We’ve had a Stability and Growth Pact for many years now. However, we haven’t adhered to it. On the contrary, Germany and France actually watered it down. It was said when the Lisbon Treaty was concluded that the European Court of Justice shouldn’t be able to call us to account if we don’t adhere to the Pact. Confidence was lost because it became obvious that we had committed ourselves to something with which, ultimately, we wouldn’t comply. However, confidence is the most important currency anyone can have in today’s world.
That’s why the real message of the fiscal compact on which we are working so hard – obliging each country to incorporate a budget rule into its own national law and empowering the Com¬mission and the European Court of Justice to monitor compliance – is: we are ready for more commitment. We won’t talk our way out of it, we won’t simply explain things away. We are prepared to commit ourselves. That’s important because we will continue to lose credibility otherwise.
However, I predict that this won’t be the last step towards further integration in the next few years. We will have to move closer together, as I’ve already stated in the case of competitiveness and jobs. Of course, we can ask why such tough demands are being made now. I’ve heard the claims that Germany is the cause of economic imbalance. One can of course ask whether it makes sense to set the imbalances within a currency area off against each other. After all, I could do that with the imbalances within Germany. That would show that the economy in southern Germany is much stronger than in the north. But the question is whether that’s the right way to look at things.
However, let’s assume that the imbalances show that there are tensions within the euro area. That raises only one interesting question. And the answer to that question is: Germany will help reduce such imbalances wherever we have unjustifiable barriers, for example in the services sector.
However, if this is about imbalances due to different levels of competitiveness then we have come to a very interesting point in Europe. Do we want coherence without ambition? Then we’ll meet somewhere in the middle. Or do we want to look and see who does what best and try to emulate the best in Europe? Then we have a chance of holding our own on the global markets. I’m deeply convinced that this is not only about cohesion as such. This is about Europe’s future: what is Europe’s role in a dynamically interconnected world?
We’re not entitled to anything. It’s not possible to say “because we’ve been to the fore for the last 50 years, we will continue to be so for the next 50 years.” Rather, we have to work on this anew every day – by manufacturing products which can be sold elsewhere and by creating innovations which enable us to stay ahead. If we’re no longer able to do that, then we’ll certainly remain an interesting travel destination for a long time to come but we’ll no longer be able to create prosperity for people in Europe.
Therefore, this is not about who’s more or less strict but about ensuring that we really do produce wealth for tomorrow’s Europe. I believe we should be ambitious in this respect. And I therefore believe that we have to keep up our efforts. Of course, we’ve made considerable progress with the first steps towards a fiscal pact. However, in view of the difficulties we face, in view of the discussions on mutual support, I believe we have to gain speed, get faster and become more decisive.
On the whole, however – at least this is my impression – Europe is growing together. That’s what has happened during the last few months. There are tensions; we can speak frankly about them. There are euro member states and non-euro member states. We have to take care that the Europe of the internal market, the Europe of the 27, remains a common Europe even if, of course, some countries are more closely interlinked. But I’m optimistic that we can succeed.
The question now is how do we actually measure the extent to which European countries are prepared to support one another, especially in the euro area. I sometimes have the impression that the rest of the world judges this very much in terms of the extent to which countries are prepared to assume each other’s liabilities and to surround themselves with a firewall. How much money are they prepared to commit for each other? This is a hotly debated question which, I believe, also has much to do with different cultural backgrounds.
We have a temporary rescue package, the EFSF, which amounts, in principle, to 770 billion euro in guarantees. On the markets they only count as 440 billion euro, because of the desire for a triple A rating. We thus have the funding needed to finance the necessary programmes and aid for Portugal, Ireland and, in future, Greece. And we have more funds. We’ve made this package flexible. To date, no country has had to apply for assistance. It’s good that it hasn’t been necessary. Then we said we would create a permanent mechanism. This shows that we are not interested in short-term measures but, rather, want to create a permanent structure of unlimited duration with paid-up capital totalling 500 billion euro. We’re working on that at present. It will have the form of an international agreement on which all participating European member states can rely.
But now some are saying that this is not enough even though the European Central Bank launched a three-year refinancing operation last month which provided banks with 500 billion euro and will do the same again; if it was twice as much then we would believe you, they claim. Some say that it should be three times as much and then they would believe us. I always wonder how long that would make us credible and at what point we would cease to be credible because doubts were again being voiced.
I therefore want to remark on Germany’s situation: each European country is strong; some are a bit stronger, some less so. It’s generally believed that Germany is especially strong. And it’s true that Germany is relatively large and also relatively strong. But we Germans aren’t saying that we don’t want to show solidarity or that we don’t want to enter into any binding commitments. We’ve no problem with that. After all, we’ve said from day one that we will support the euro. However, we don’t want to find ourselves in a situation where we promise something which we ultimately cannot deliver. For when Germany promises something on behalf of all European countries which subsequently becomes impossible in the face of strong attacks from the markets, then Europe has an exposed flank.
It’s therefore important to find a balance. Our commitment takes many different forms. It’s evident in rescue packages, as well as in more Europe and in the readiness to allow ourselves to be sanctioned by European institutions. It’s also reflected in the fact that we do more together – even in areas which are not yet communitarized. All of these points answer the question as to whether we really do stand by one another. I wanted to take this opportunity to make that quite clear once more.
Ladies and gentlemen, I’ve spoken about Europe’s problems. Let me just remark that some regard us as a threat to growth throughout the world. We know how things stand, but I believe that on closer inspection it becomes clear that we’re not the only ones in the world with problems. Other regions, which I don’t want to name, still have much to do. That reassures me to the extent that it shows how we are all very much occupied with each other.
It will therefore remain crucial that we continue to work on our agenda at the next G20 meeting in Mexico, in particular the agenda for growth and employment put forward by South Korea. The Mexican Presidency has also made this one of its priorities – along with green growth, sustainable growth, as well as food security, climate protection and energy. We will have to carry on seeking ways to regulate the financial markets. We’ll also have to continue looking to see how we can ensure that trade is as free as possible.
Let me therefore conclude by making a few remarks on transatlantic relations. Because we’re making such little progress on Doha, what will happen now – and I don’t believe it’s the best course of action – is that individual regions, for example the EU, will conclude trade agreements with others. We’ve already signed an accord with South Korea and we’re working on an agreement with Japan. I believe that we also still have very many possibilities in the transatlantic sphere, for example a free trade zone, something we still don’t have today. The EU and the US are now each other’s most important trading partners with a trade volume of more than 670 billion euro. However, the potential for cooperation has by no means been exhausted. There are many obstacles, especially in the non-tariff sphere – services, investments, technical standards, public procurement and much more. I’m pleased that there is now a readiness both on the part of the Europeans and of the Americans to continue working on this. That will, of course, take some time. However, alongside our cooperation with many others – with China, with India, with Asia as a whole – I see more possibilities to strengthen our economic growth in this tradi¬tional area, which is sometimes even taken for granted.
I hope you have a productive Forum and fruitful discussions. Davos provides an opportunity – and I’m pleased that this time there are many representatives of the social sphere here – to conduct frank and unconventional discussions on many different topics. I say quite openly that we politicians need this input. For we, too, have realized that ultimately we can only succeed if we work together. In the midst of the economic and financial crisis – this, at least, is our experience in Europe – the social market economy has proven its worth. In such a system it’s never assumed that politicians bear sole responsibility. Rather, it’s always assumed that employers and employees work with us to ensure our societies’ success.
On that note, I wish you an enjoyable and interesting time here in Davos.
number: :
begin:: 25.01.2012
end::
|
Speech by Chancellor Angela Merkel at the opening of the International Conference
in Bonn
President Karzai,
Mr Secretary-General,
Ministers,
Excellencies,
Ladies and gentlemen,
On behalf of the entire German Government, I’m delighted to welcome you all to today’s International Afghanistan Conference. We – most especially the German Foreign Minister and the Federal Foreign Office – have prepared this Conference with enthusiasm and great commitment. For we believe that this meeting will provide us with a unique opportunity to broaden and further develop our partnership with the Afghan Government, as well as with the Afghan people as a whole. The presence of 100 delegations as well as of numerous representatives of civil society demonstrates the possibilities this Conference has to offer.
President Karzai, when you asked me at the NATO summit in last year whether would be prepared to organize another Afghanistan Conference, I was more than happy to comply with your request. However, I agreed on condition that you, President Karzai – as the representative of all Afghans – rather than the German Government preside over this event.
This Conference focuses on the central question: how should we work together until 2014 and what will happen after 2014? I’d like to start by reiterating the message once more: will be able to count on the support of the international community after 2014. That is one of the crucial lessons we’ve learned from ’s history.
Exactly ten years ago to the day, delegations from all over the world gathered here in under the aegis of the United Nations to discuss ’s future following the demise of the Taliban’s reign of terror. Ten years later, it is of course time to take stock. Back then, government and social structures were in ruins and few people had access to education or health care. Law and order were in an extremely precarious state. Today, ten years later, we can undoubtedly claim to have made progress thanks to an unprecedented commitment. However, we also have to admit that after ten years it’s worth the effort to take another realistic look at the situation.
Ten years ago, the international community was pursuing two goals. Firstly, it was in the interest of us all that again evolved into a stable state so that it would never again harbour a terrorist threat to the whole world. Secondly, we wanted to assist the Afghan people – we wanted to help them help themselves so that people in would one day be able to live in peace and prosperity again.
We’ve gained much experience since then – both positive and negative experience. We had to learn a lot about your country. And we were eager to learn. It’s not so easy to always have a complete overview of structures in . However, there is one thing we’ve all noted: reconstruction isn’t possible without security – and security will only be a facade without civilian reconstruction. From these two elements we have developed our strategy which, as President Karzai pointed out, has produced some promising results. Today almost two thirds of the Afghan population has access to medical care. Moreover, allow me to name one example where has first-hand experience, namely Mazar-e-Sharif, which – I’m glad to say – is in the process of evolving once more into a regional economic powerhouse.
However, we have also experienced setbacks time and again and have to admit that although the security situation has improved, we’ve not yet reached the point where we want to be one day. However, we can now at least gradually implement a strategy which is making it possible to hand over responsibility to the Afghan security forces. The basis for this was – and remains – training for Afghan security forces within the scope of partnering and mentoring. I would like to take this opportunity to thank those who are contributing towards security in and to express my special thanks to the . For it is doing much to improve the security situation.
In a few months’ time, responsibility for security in more than half of ’s territory will be in Afghan hands. That will take us to a new qualitative level. We want to hand over responsibility for security in ’s entire territory by the end of 2014. However, that won’t be the end of our work. For even after that, our task will be to continue building up the security forces, continue training and supporting them, even though our combat troops will no longer be there. The task then will be to consolidate the development work in order to achieve the goals we’ve set ourselves. As President Karzai has just said, the task will, of course, still be about advancing the political process, the process of reconciliation, as well as ’s economic development.
The buildup of the security forces has advanced far. More than 300,000 Afghan soldiers and police officers are already serving. We will continue the concept of mentoring and partnering and, at the same time, be able to reduce our own troop numbers. , too, will do this at a responsible pace.
The regional conference held in on 2 November played a key role in paving the way for today’s Conference. On that occasion, the states in the region pledged to accept an Afghan-led process of reconciliation. ’s neighbourhood is, of course, another central issue. For I believe that peace and development in can also stimulate a flourishing development in the entire region.
It goes without saying that the engagement of the private sector in is also of paramount importance. The European mining industry – encouraged by the European Union and – has decided to develop as quickly as possible a partnership which will help the Afghans to help themselves. should be able to benefit from its resources and to develop. That is our main goal.
Ladies and gentlemen, there’s no doubt that the Afghan Government and the Afghan people are facing major challenges. Despite all that we’ve achieved, we must not lose sight of reality. The political process, in which such issues as reconciliation and the distribution of power across all social and ethnic groups have to be resolved, is of great importance. We can help here. We can contribute our experience and offer assistance. However, only the Afghans themselves can solve these problems. I would therefore ask you, President Karzai, to use your political will and skills to help advance this political process, to fight corruption and drug trafficking, thus improving people’s quality of life.
We are firmly convinced that people in , just like anywhere else in the world, want to live together in peace. We want to support you along this way. This Conference will therefore have a clear message: can count on our support, not only the Government and institutions but everyone – men and women, young and old, regardless of their origins. We are united in our goal of a secure and sovereign in a peaceful and prosperous region.
On that note, I wish you, Mr President, and the entire Conference every success. We are delighted to be your hosts. And we are ready to work hard with you in the coming years – for the benefit of the people of .
number: :
begin:: 05.12.2011
end::
|
Speech by Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel
held in the Parliament of Mongolia
Mr President,
Mr Chairman,
Prime Minister,
Members of Parliament,
Excellencies,
Ladies and gentlemen,
It is a very great honour for me to be able to speak to you today, to be the first German head of government ever to speak before the Mongolian Parliament, the State Great Hural.
Mongolia has always had a gripping fascination for us Germans. Despite being so far apart geographically, our peoples have always cultivated contacts and exchange. Before Germany’s reunification, there were thousands of Mongolian students and skilled workers living in the GDR, who had come there through vocational training and education programmes. Those Mongolians inspired in us a deep affinity and friendship with your country. They were the people who shaped the Germans’ idea of Mongolia.
As I see it, ladies and gentlemen, there have been two key phases that have made Mongolia what it is today. The first was the Pax Mongolica in the 13th and 14th centuries, when stable social, cultural and economic conditions as well as religious tolerance granted the Mongol Empire long years of inner peace. The second key phase coincided with the democratic revolutions in the former Eastern Bloc in 1989 and 1990.
That was when we Germans took to the streets for freedom and unity in what was then the GDR. Today, our country is reunited. During that same time, and driven by that same desire for freedom, the people of Mongolia successfully fought for democracy, rule of law and human rights. Mongolia undertook the transition from a communist system to a multi-party democracy. We Germans profoundly respect the people of Mongolia for taking that step. There is a deep bond between our two countries and peoples, created by that shared experience of historic change.
Ladies and gentlemen, the revolutions in the Arab world this year have demonstrated yet again that participation in politics and society should never be the exclusive privilege of a small group. In a state which respects the rule of law, the citizens cannot be excluded from their freedoms and rights. It is our duty to give citizens a share in the prosperity and resources our countries enjoy. As a parliamentary democracy guided by liberal-democratic principles, Mongolia is an important role model within Central Asia. Let me therefore encourage you to remain firm in the constant pursuit of democracy. In that respect, the discussions about electoral reform that you are engaging in at the moment could be an important step towards better representation in the national Parliament.
As we Germans have discovered to our cost in the past - democracy is not something that can be taken for granted. It needs strong institutions, it needs strong rule of law and, above all else, it needs courageous citizens to live it and defend it day to day. Democracy is sustained by respect for universal human rights. With that in mind, I expressly welcome Mongolia’s decision to stop enforcing the death penalty. This is another area where Mongolia is setting an example within Asia. Let me encourage you to go one step further and abolish the death penalty for good.
Ladies and gentlemen, democracy in Mongolia has major challenges to face. Your country’s wealth of natural resources brings with it considerable potential for growth and prosperity. At the same time, it places a duty on the Government and on the Parliament to see that the profits from that sector reach as many people as possible. If things are to be sustainable, it is essential to consider future generations and channel investment into education, healthcare and viable infrastructure. Germany stands ready to provide Mongolia with what support we can.
We are a trustworthy business partner for Mongolia, very much interested in seeing it develop sustainably. It is for this reason that my delegation includes representatives from companies which can contribute sustainable solutions for the development of Mongolia’s infrastructure. I am particularly pleased that we signed an Agreement today on setting up a raw materials partnership between Germany and Mongolia. With that, I am certain, we have laid the foundations of a long-term partnership in the energy and raw materials sector which will be to the benefit of both our countries.
Ladies and gentlemen, historical bonds and enhanced economic and development cooperation are pillars of the close and friendly relations that exist between Germany and Mongolia. Our cooperation covers bilateral issues and more. Our thoughts as we collaborate are with the younger generation. For instance, young academics from Mongolia - as was agreed today - will in future take part in the Lindau Nobel Laureates Meetings. The Gerda Henkel Foundation is also doing sterling work promoting historical and archaeological research in the Orkhon valley.
Our belief in the values of freedom and democracy that we share also obliges us to stand up for those values around the world. We do so with success - in the United Nations, NATO and the OSCE, as elsewhere. As we speak, German and Mongolian troops are standing shoulder to shoulder in the fight for peace and security in Afghanistan. In Feyzabad in Northern Afghanistan, our troops share responsibility for reconstruction in a dangerous environment. Let me say how grateful I am to Mongolia for increasing its commitment this year.
Ladies and gentlemen, I look forward with confidence to continuing to develop all these areas of our cooperation and, in so doing, further deepening the bonds of our far-reaching partnership. You have my very best wishes for the future. Thank you.
number: :
begin:: 13.10.2011
end::
|
Speech by Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel at the University of Nairobi
in Nairobi
Minister Sambili,
Vice-Chancellor Magoha,
Deans,
Members and friends of the University of Nairobi,
and, above all, Students,
I am delighted to be here with you today at the University of Nairobi. This University has a special reputation as the oldest and largest university in the country and it is my great pleasure to be here as your guest. I would like to thank those in this room, and also those who were waiting outside, for the wonderfully warm reception.
As well as this university, Kenya has a considerable number of other seats of learning. I believe this demonstrates the importance attached to education in your country, and I can only add that one can sense the great opportunities awaiting Africa in the future. Like their peers all over Africa, Kenya’s young people want to seize these opportunities. They are committed to, and want to be actively involved in, the development of their country.
Young people take their inspiration from the digital revolution and the internet, from an increased efficiency in the use of natural resources and more environmentally-friendly ways of living, and not least from the way the countries of their continent are growing together. It is also clear from the way East African countries are moving towards the development of an internal market, with South Sudan now joining them. Of course new opportunities arise out of all these developments regarding the future of young people.
We can see how economic development is accelerating in Kenya. However, there are also perils. I shall use one word to describe these – disparities: internal disparities within a country’s own population but also disparities between countries. Such imbalances are always a touchpaper for social and political unrest and conflict. Kenya, too, has had painful experience of this. Following the presidential elections at the end of 2007, the country was on the brink of civil war. I believe for many people the memories of that time are still very fresh.
Of course opportunities for economic upturn are important and must be seized. However, these opportunities are only one side of the coin. The other side is the duty to reform, to bring about more democracy, national reconciliation and national unity. Without sufficient economic, social and political participation – and I mean participation by all groups within the population – any economic upturn will always be very fragile. This means that, however important an efficient economy may be in forming the backbone to a strong nation, long-term, sustainable progress and prosperity are only possible when based on the principles of participation, understanding and reconciliation.
The political work of understanding and reconciliation has two dimensions. Firstly the work has to be done in the country itself, in other words at national level. Secondly, however, this work is equally important when it comes to relations between countries. The African continent – as you know so much better than I – has seen far too many conflicts. Many of the lin-gering problems have their roots in colonial times. Even today they frequently stand in the way of the goal of African unity. However, we are also experiencing times of radical political change in Africa, for example in North Africa – starting with Tunisia and Egypt. People there are striving for more democracy and the rule of law. They want to lead a better life and to see human rights upheld.
Kenya addressed these objectives last year by holding a peaceful referendum and adopting a new constitution. The pictures of the long queues of Kenyan citizens waiting to cast their vote have also left a strong impression on us in Germany. They moved us. Everyone who waited was aware that his or her vote counted and that the country’s future depended on each and every vote. The result of the referendum showed an overwhelming majority in favour of the new constitution.
Now it is a matter of making this vote work in reality. The first priority is to reduce ethnic tensions and regional and social imbalances. In my talks today with the President, the Prime Minister and the Speaker of the Kenyan Parliament, I have repeatedly emphasized that Germany will support Kenya in this task. Kenya and Germany can rely on a partnership going back many years. Germany was the first country to recognize Kenyan independence in 1963. For many Germans their image of Africa is strongly influenced by your country. Many people know Kenya from their travels and from books and films.
During the crisis three and a half years ago the trust and confidence between our two countries did not falter. Germany was able to support Kenya then by offering you the benefits of our own experience of building a grand coalition. Whatever criticism of such a situation may be expressed in Kenya now, it should never be forgotten that it prevented further violence and bloodshed. Differences of opinion and the ensuing arguments are part and parcel of every kind of government coalition. It is precisely the task of politics to bring together time and again differing views and interests – to combine the different forces, to take note of majority opinion and find viable compromises. Finding compromises is no bad thing, but simply part of the democratic process. If everyone wants their stance to be incorporated in the decision, then as a rule there has to be a compromise. This compromise must then be accepted by all sides. The new constitution for which you voted sets down the way forward. We shall see whether and to what extent progress has been made chiefly in the next elections in 2012.
At any rate, I consider Kenya’s willingness to address the events that followed the last presi-dential elections exceedingly helpful and admirable. In my view it is also a question of humanity and justice. The country owes it to the victims and their families. That is why I have stated repeatedly today that we welcome Kenya’s commitment to cooperate fully with the International Criminal Court. This has meant recently that the cases of six Kenyan nationals could be heard before the International Court of Justice in The Hague.
Germany and Kenya are both among the States Parties to the Rome Statute of the Interna-tional Criminal Court. We strongly favour and support the principle of subsidiary universal jurisdiction under international criminal law. Prosecution by an international court is impera-tive in certain situations in the interests of peaceful society and national unity. This applies not only to Africa but to all parts of the world. In my view such a situation arose during the unrest in Kenya three and a half years ago. The proceedings in The Hague are an opportunity to put an end to impunity for perpetrators and to be able finally to prosecute the politically and ethnically motivated violence of that time.
Administration of justice is one thing, but what is also needed is the desire for reconciliation, the will to overcome the ethnic divides that have split the country. All the political parties, institutions and various ethnic groups have a great responsibility to build bridges – but each one of you also has a share in that responsibility.
I think it is fair to say that after centuries of war – I’m thinking for instance of Germany and France – we Europeans have learned to live together in peace, without war. This required per-sons of great stature, who had the courage to declare – contrary to the instincts of many – that the only way forward is the way of peace, which we must tread together. If you in Kenya could succeed in treading this path it would have a considerable knock-on effect for the whole of Africa. For other countries, too, are confronted with the task of preventing social, religious and ethnic disintegration. Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire are examples here, the latter having just recently survived a crisis.
Libya is also an example. It is utterly reprehensible that Gaddafi has neglected to promote understanding and cohesion between the different Libyan tribes and regions. Quite the contrary: his response is brutal towards those who want to free themselves from decades of repression and authoritarian control. However – and this is also my own personal experience – the fundamental human desire for freedom cannot be repressed in the long term. This will also be true for the countries of Africa, not least for Libya.
That is why it is important, and indeed imperative, that supranational regional alliances consider in the early stages what they can do to snuff out smouldering conflicts, achieve reconciliation, encourage democratic development and along with it social cohesion. The African Union plays a major role here, as well as regional alliances such as the SADC, EAC – the East African Community, IGAD or ECOWAS. We in Europe have enormous respect for the African states when we see their increased determination to take joint action. There is much more readiness today to mediate on behalf of one another in cases of conflict and we acknowledge this immense achievement.
At this point I would like to take as an example the involvement of the African Union in Sudan. You know, of course, that civil war raged in that country for many decades before a peace process between north and south could be successfully wrought. This finally led to the referendum on independence for what is now South Sudan. Kenya, too, played an important role in this process. And the peace process in Sudan would have been unthinkable without the involvement of the United Nations and the African Union. Their joint commitment through the mission UNAMID also calmed the situation in Darfur. There is, of course, much more to be done. Here I am thinking of the difficult situation in your neighbouring country, Somalia.
Following independence for South Sudan – Germany has recognized South Sudan as a sovereign state – the country continues to face many challenges. This young state needs help in order to develop a stable community. Let me say that Germany and the whole of Europe want to assist in this task.
This new African engagement has also been fruitful in Côte d’Ivoire. The crisis there was a test case for the credibility of elections. The fact that President Ouattara took over leadership of the government sends a message even beyond the borders of Côte d’Ivoire that in democratic elections the will of the electorate must always be respected. Without the committed and constructive role of the African Union and the regional organization ECOWAS during the crisis, this would hardly have been imaginable. Both organizations made it quite clear that the African community recognizes, protects and defends the results of legitimate elections and will not tolerate any illegal takeover of power.
Europe – and Germany especially – stands squarely at Africa’s side when it is a question of preventing or overcoming conflicts, working together with the regional organizations and the African Union. It is for this reason that we wish to support the development of these organiza-tions. To give an example, we – the Federal Republic of Germany – are currently financing a new Peace and Security Building for the African Union Commission. We are also contributing to the development and training of the police component of the African Standby Force. Our overall aim is to develop a growing community of shared responsibility with the countries and regional organizations of Africa.
This leads me to another question. How can Europe and Africa work together better to tackle the global challenges that confront us? The piracy problem off the coast of Somalia is a good example. It affects us all – German ships, American ships and ships from many other countries besides. Freedom of movement on the open seas is vital to all countries. The United Nations Security Council has stated this in several resolutions. For this reason Germany is taking part in Operation ATALANTA, led by the European Union. This mission is helping to secure shipping routes, allowing relief supplies to Somalia including transports by the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) to get through. This is an example of how the African Union and European Union are working closely together.
We can see there is progress, despite the vast area in question. However, the battle against piracy will not in the end be won on the high seas. We have to address the problem at its roots – and these roots are deep in terra firma. This is why we are part of the EU Training Mission (EUTM) Somalia, training Somali soldiers in Uganda, and this is why we support international projects aimed at developing judicial systems in the region. For one thing is clear: violence and instability thrive on lawlessness, in areas where there is no rule of law. Therefore our approach must always be broad and interconnected. This includes developing and strengthening rule of law structures whilst at the same time protecting security.
I would like to take as a second example the fight against international terrorism. The people of Nairobi are all too familiar with terrorist threats. Many African countries find themselves confronted with the terrorists’ contempt for human life. If we want to root out terrorism, we must start by addressing the root causes. This means we must develop access to education and work so that prosperity can follow. In short, we must offer people – and as far as possible every single person – a future. People need to be able to have confidence in that future. This, in turn, depends largely on the issue of sustainability.
The sustainability principle is indeed based on the convergence of economic efficiency, social responsibility and the protection of natural resources. Nairobi is the African location when it comes to issues relating to the environment and sustainability. The United Nations Environ-ment Programme (UNEP) has its headquarters in Nairobi. Germany and Kenya share the same aim – to upgrade UNEP to an independent specialized agency of the United Nations. Our hope is that this will enable us at last to make headway in the battle against global warming.
You in Africa feel the effects of climate change keenly. This is why Europe and Africa are striving together towards a new, legally binding climate agreement. All our actions must be directed towards the goal of limiting the extent of global warming to a maximum of two degrees Celsius. If we exceed this limit our ability to control the effects of climate change will be seriously weakened.
One thing is undisputed: up to now it is the industrial countries – far more than any other countries – that have been responsible for climate change. Therefore it is they, of course, who should do the most to restructure their industries and sustainably manage their economies. However, emerging economies and developing countries, too, need to change their ways. The principle that applies here is one of shared but differentiated responsibility between the industrialized, newly industrialized and developing countries. We need to reach a consensus as to how we distribute the burdens of climate change fairly and also choose the right path to success.
A fair approach would be to put the question: how much CO2 per capita should people be permitted to produce? A definitive answer to this question will not be found quickly. At any rate, we cannot expect a clear answer to emerge from the Climate Change Conference in Durban. Nonetheless the Durban conference is vital. If we want to continue on the path taken in Cancún, Mexico, last year, then the challenge for the Durban conference is to overcome more of the obstacles standing in the way of a new international climate agreement.
Germany is aiming towards a legally binding agreement by the end of the Conference. However, there are still many obstacles blocking the path to such an agreement, with several countries – primarily China and India – refusing to enter into any legally binding commitment. Germany wants to push ahead with climate protection, and that is why we seek very close cooperation with regard to renewable energies and energy efficiency in your country, Kenya.
Ladies and Gentlemen, cooperation between Europe and Africa today extends far beyond the management of crises. It also extends far beyond development cooperation projects. Rather, we believe in the immense opportunities your continent holds. The success of Africa’s development also depends, of course, on how far Africa is integrated into the global markets. The German economy is very keen to see closer and increased cooperation between Germany and Kenya. It is also clear that with more growth, with better progress overall, Africa’s weight will increase on the international stage. It is for this reason that Germany is also calling for a stronger African presence in the UN Security Council.
Ladies and gentlemen, Europe and Africa are neighbours. The history of our relationship as neighbouring continents down the centuries was frequently – indeed, all too frequently – marked by conflict, to put it mildly. However in recent decades new opportunities have presented themselves, to which you, the young people of Kenya, can look forward: opportunities through increased exchange – whether via the German Academic Exchange Service, study exchanges or learning the language – and opportunities to gain knowledge abroad and subsequently bring that knowledge back to your own country.
I am here today in person to tell you that Germany would like more of you to be able to take up these opportunities. Germany would like to be Kenya’s partner, Kenya’s friend, lending you a helping hand. Which is why I am pleased to be here and look forward to the discussion with you.
Thank you.
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Speech delivered by Federal Chancellor Angela Merkel at the Second Petersberg Climate Dialogue, on Sunday, 3 July 2011
in Berlin
Norbert Röttgen,
Ministers,
Ladies and gentlemen
I am delighted to welcome you on behalf of the Federal Government to this second Petersberg Climate Dialogue. The "Petersberg" is quite some way away but then again you are in the capital, in , a beautiful city, despite the fact that the weather could be considered more favourable to the rural areas of than to the city. I hope that you will be able to see this afternoon, tonight or maybe even tomorrow without rain.
I should like to extend a particular welcome to the South African Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Maite Nkoana-Mashabane and convey my best wishes to the President of South Africa, Jacob Zuma. I discussed this event with him on the telephone. He would have liked to come but was unable to do so due to prior commitments. However, I am very pleased that and are jointly striving to prepare the conference in.
I liked the very fitting proverb about the camel we just heard. However, you should not advertise it openly at too early a stage because then we might end up with not even a goat. Until now I have only ever talked about myself in the same context as a camel when it comes to my ability to sleep like one. Throughout the week I can get by with little sleep and only feel the need to catch up at the weekend. Now I have learned a new saying about camels which, I am sure, I will also find helpful.
I think the Petersberg Dialogue is a very appropriate tool to lend depth to the discussions, to build trust and to prepare for what we have to achieve at . We are exactly half way between "Cancún" and "". On the basis of the outcome achieved at Cancún we now have a very good chance to set out the objectives for . I had a look at the agenda and the issues you will be discussing at this forum and I believe that they are extremely realistic. They set out different approaches which these discussions might result in. That is a sound basis to work in a focused manner for a successful outcome.
Global politics are certainly faced time and again with numerous challenges. The financial and economic crisis is not completely behind us yet. You will be aware from the discussions in right now of the potential dangers of excessive national debt. However, this does not mean that the threat posed by climate change has become less important. The lesson we learned once again from the financial and economic crisis should also be applied to other policy areas – that we need to make sustainable efforts, that we must not jump from one issue to the next but keep a long-term perspective on the issues that need to be resolved. This holds particularly true for climate protection and dealing with climate change.
I can only keep stressing what was spelt out for the first time in very concise terms in the Stern Review. There may be many reasons why it seems to be expensive and arduous to take action but there are by far more reasons to say: it will be even more expensive not to take action. Therefore we all have to join forces to advance the current process, the fight against climate change – and I should like to thank you for your efforts.
You know the topics at hand: rising sea levels and their impact on island states, the increased occurrence of extreme weather and many more. Certainly we must not draw instant general conclusions from isolated events but the nature of the events occurring in , the and elsewhere indicate that there are changes in the climate that we have to take very seriously.
I am not even speaking about threats to food or water supplies or migration and regional conflicts. You are well aware of these risks. You also know about the limited availability of fossil fuels and the competition for raw materials, and that ensuring efficient resource use is reason alone to protect the climate and fight global warming. We need sustainable management of resources and energy saving wherever possible. I keep telling this to all those who spend considerable time asking: is climate change really happening? Even without climate change there would be enough reasons to restructure our energy supply and change the way in which we use energy. In view of the fact that the global population will reach 7 billion people this year and is sure to grow to 9 billion, it is imperative that we take precautions and see to it that climate change does not gain further momentum.
For July, the month in which takes over the presidency of the Security Council, we put the topic "risks of climate change" on the Council's agenda. I welcome the fact that UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon clearly stated that he will keep climate change as one of his priority topics on the agenda during his second term in office. We know that climate change does not recognise any borders, it affects every country. Therefore, our goal remains a legally binding agreement even if we know how hard it will be to achieve.
We will have to overcome many obstacles on our way to such an agreement. It is certainly right to ask first of all what climate protection contribution individual states must make and how these contributions can be fitted into a fair and equitable system. And of course we know that the industrialised countries have a special responsibility to bear. But we also know: in view of the enormously dynamic development in emerging countries, the industrialised countries alone will not be able to achieve the goal of keeping global warming below two degrees. Emerging countries also have to make a contribution. The principle of common but differentiated responsibility still applies and will continue to do so. Since "" we are aware that this responsibility is most diverse. Looking at the year 2010, I think it is fair to say that we have taken first steps to translate this responsibility into joint action – and Cancún was a good example of this.
Poverty alleviation is a priority for almost all developing countries. Therefore, economic development and climate protection must not be seen as incompatible. Newly industrialising countries, which are gaining increasing economic weight, naturally want to retain their competitiveness. This means they will also have to learn how to combine economic growth with sustainable development. Only recently I had an in-depth discussion with Premier Wen Jiabao on how tremendously important this is for 's development. Of course, the industrialised countries also want to secure their level of prosperity but they will also have to learn how to achieve this through reduced resource consumption combined with ambitious sustainability targets, thus setting an example.
This means, on the one hand, that environmental and climate protection and resource conservation are a limiting factor for economic action but, on the other hand, respect for nature makes economic activity more viable for the future. is an industrialised country and I can tell you that we had an intensive energy debate following the events of and that we have embarked on a very arduous and ambitious course – a genuine transformation of our energy supply. We want to demonstrate that it is possible to do without nuclear power. At stake is, above all, the ability to maintain a level of prosperity as an industrialised country in the age of renewable energy sources. This will be 's task over the next ten years. We are sure we will succeed. But we also know that huge efforts will have to be made, not only by a few politicians, for this development must be supported by society, by industry, environmental associations and the population alike. Therefore electric power must be affordable, energy must be sufficiently available and our energy supply must be based on an environmentally sound system.
Against the backdrop of global developments we need a course which will, in the long run, lead to an approximation of per capita emissions, while at the same time allowing for economic development. If we look at what is needed – and I don't think there is any doubt about it if we accept the two degree target as a fact – we find that we will have to come to an average global CO2 emission level of approximately two tonnes per capita. That would be reconcilable with the two
degree global warming limit. This is an ambitious goal if we look at the situation today. The United States has a per capita emission of approximately 20 tonnes, Germany of about ten tonnes and even China's per capita emission is already well above four tonnes. This proves that we have a daunting task ahead of us. And the industrialised countries must lead by example.
So now we need concrete measures in each and every country. Even though we were very disappointed by the outcome, it was the first time that so many countries announced specific measures. We will certainly not come to a final agreement in , but I hope that progress will be achieved on a number of issues. This could be the case in the following areas.
First of all: concrete reduction targets. Every country has to step up its efforts because the sum of all announced targets will still lead to an increase in global warming of more than two degrees. I think no one with knowledge of this topic will doubt this. Even those who are sceptical of binding targets have to concede that the proposals currently on the table are insufficient. So here we have some more work to do.
Secondly, the bodies and instruments developed at Cancún have to be fleshed out. Climate protection was on the agenda at the G8 Summit in , at which African countries were also represented. Reporting on the state of implementation of the Cancún outcome was, cautiously put, only mildly enthusiastic. I have the impression that a lot remains to be done here.
The third item is transparency. Even in the case of voluntary commitments, someone has to be able to verify if they are actually implemented. This cannot be done quietly behind closed doors and completed with a proclamation of "just believe us". On the contrary, we must develop uniform measuring procedures. We have to set out who will be doing the verifying and who the reporting. A lot still needs to be done in this area as well.
Finally, we have to develop a clear perception of how and with what objective we want to continue the negotiations – in other words, what legal form the agreement will take. I think this is among the most difficult items currently on the table. However, the Kyoto Protocol will expire and by 2012, at the latest, the future course will have to be clear – otherwise there will be huge disappointment. So, the more we can accomplish in , the better; in particular since we know how long-winded international processes can be. Even if an agreement were to materialise, ratification will be a lengthy process and in the case of some agreements can take forever.
Ladies and gentlemen, , as part of the European Union, is aiming at a single legally binding agreement. We would also be prepared to examine the option of a second commitment period under the Kyoto Protocol. However, we are aware of the considerable difficulties involved in both tracks. But the message you can take home from and is that we are determined to step ahead courageously. We want to do our share, as I outlined earlier.
The German and European targets are ambitious. We intend to raise the share of renewable energies in total energy consumption to 60 percent by 2050 and the share in electricity consumption to 80 percent. Today we have a 17 percent renewables share in electricity production. By 2020 we want to double this figure to a 35 percent share. We are currently learning what it means to incorporate available but not 100 percent marketable renewable energy sources into the energy market. In this respect is experiencing very exciting times right now. A 17 percent share can just about be achieved by additional power feed-in and prioritisation. But if you want a renewables share of more than a third and if you cannot use market mechanisms to achieve this level your energy policy will fail. For this reason we have launched a very interesting law; the Federal Environment Minister has just presented it to the Cabinet. This law takes us far beyond the approaches pursued in the past.
We want to halve 's primary energy consumption by 2050 as against 2008 levels. That is a very ambitious target. German industry has already made a major contribution and we want to remain a successful industrialised country. Therefore savings have to be made primarily in the heating, building and mobility sectors if we want to halve our primary energy consumption and, again, we need a completely new approach to achieve these objectives.
In , we want to reduce our greenhouse gas emissions by 40 percent by 2020 compared to 1990 levels. In doing this we are meeting our Cancún commitments. The EU-wide emission reduction target is 80 percent by 2050 as against 1990 levels. To achieve this has to make considerable national efforts, but we also have to step up our bilateral cooperation in low-carbon development and more precisely in lighthouse projects and technology initiatives – nationally and in partner projects with industrialised and newly industrialising countries as well as with developing countries.
At the first Climate Dialogue, which was held in 2010, , and launched a partnership project for the development of climate strategies for emerging and developing countries. I think we should continue to launch projects of this kind. The initiative taken by the three countries has, as far as I am aware, developed very well. It now pools activities in around 30 countries.
is also taking part in the adaptation partnership initiative launched by , and the at the first Climate Dialogue and the Global Forest Partnership is also well under way. More than 70 countries are involved and I am delighted that and will chair the project starting July 2011. also contributes considerable funds to "REDD+". In doing so we are fulfilling our pledge – approximately 30 percent of our so‑called fast start contributions are spent on forest conservation. The total amount available is 350 million euros, which I believe will help to accomplish a great deal.
From 2012 onwards, the revenues from European emissions trading will flow completely and directly into our Energy and Climate Fund. My prediction is that there will be a certain degree of competition between national and international projects. I am well aware that the funds are much sought-after. We want to use them for innovative energy technologies, energy efficiency measures and climate and environmental conservation measures – internationally and at home.
Ladies and gentlemen, the auctioning revenues are already being used to fulfil the commitments we have made. For example, they are used to fund the International Climate Initiative of the Federal Environment Ministry. They help us to make meaningful contributions to local carbon markets in Africa, to the adaptation strategies of island states and to the conservation of rainforests, for example in the "Harpan Rainforest Initiative" in.
These positive examples demonstrate what can already be done today. However, we have to try and develop a dense network of such exemplary projects that stretches across the globe. We cannot allow these projects to be one-offs; they have to be spread more widely. Since it is useless to close our eyes to developments, we have to concede that global emissions are still rising at an alarming rate. We spend a lot of time trying to sort out who is responsible for what and who will bear what burden. Of course that needs to be determined. However, we also have to see to it that a growth in emissions is countered by concrete measures.
So it is a matter of practicalities but also of ethical responsibilities to the world. Let us, therefore, look to 2012. It is not only the year of the next climate change conference but also the time to discuss "Rio 2012". We will take stock of what has been achieved since in 1992. I believe we will see that progress has been made but in many cases this progress has been slow in coming. However, there have also been positive events such as the biodiversity conference last year. I think in 2012, twenty years after the Conference, it will become clear that the institutional structure for sustainable development is not sufficiently developed at global level.
UNEP and CSD must be upgraded. For this reason and the European Union support effective structural reform. We feel that the United Nations Environment Programme must become an independent UN specialised agency. And I should like to state one thing clearly: it would also be an opportunity to finally locate one of the major UN bodies on the African continent. I think it is more than justified that we finally do this. We have to adapt to the dictates of the 21st century and that requires an organisation which deals with environmental and sustainability issues. We can only live up to the ambitious aims set at Rio and if environmental and climate protection are set on an equal footing with other important international policy areas. I am firmly convinced of this. We should join forces and strive for this goal.
I can assure you, ladies and gentlemen, that the South African Presidency has our full support for a successful outcome of the conference. But I can also assure you that there is still a lot more to be done. For this reason I would encourage you to make the most of your time here.
Thank you for coming to . Thank you for making this meeting possible with a sizeable and still manageable number of participants – at least by UN standards with its membership of over 190 countries.
UN processes are very complicated. Anyone with a life-long involvement in these processes ends up finding it quite normal that conference participants have to toil towards success in lengthy discussions. And there have been successes. However, it is not necessarily ideal to always meet with representatives of 170 or 180 countries. It is sometimes equally beneficial if some countries have faith in other countries to consider their interests and put forward ideas, make progress and find a structure.
The world is turning to – and this time around not for football but for climate protection. International agreements are crucial to long-term developments. So let me tell you again: we support but that alone is not enough. I call on all of you to support the climate protection cause. Try and make yourselves heard at home. I know that heads of government are always busy and have many problems to solve at present. And many people in the world currently have other problems and may ask: do we really have to deal with climate protection on top of everything else right now? Can't we delay this for one or two years? But the fact is that some of the issues on our current agenda such as desertification, migration and civil wars are only with us today because we did not deal with them in time.
That's what it is all about. Thank you very much.
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